GREAT  EDUCATORS 
OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

NEW  YORK  •  BOSTON  •  CHICAGO 
SAN  FRANCISCO 


MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Limited 

LONDON  •  BOMBAY  •  CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 


THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA,  Ltd. 

TORONTO 


GREAT  EDUCATORS 

r> 

OF 

THREE  CENTURIES 

L 

THEIR  WORK 

AND  ITS  INFLUENCE  ON  MODERN  EDUCATION 


BY 

FRANK  PIERREPONT  GRAVES,  Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 
IN  THE  OHIO  STATE  UNIVERSITY 

AUTHOR  OF  "A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  THREE  VOLUMES,”  ETC. 


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THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 


1912 


^4//  rights  reserved 


Copyright,  1912, 

By  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  electrotyped.  Published  January,  1912.  Reprinted 
April,  September,  1912. 


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Nortoaotf 

J.  8.  Cushing  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 
Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


To  My  Colleagues  and  Friends 
in  the  University  of  Missouri  and 
the  Ohio  State  University 

AND  AMONG  THE  SCHOOLMEN 

of  Missouri  and  Ohio 


PREFACE 


It  has  now  come  to  be  understood  that  a  series  of  essays 
upon  the  educational  reformers  cannot  by  any  stretch 
of  the  imagination  be  termed  a  ‘history  of  education/ 
The  biographical  and  personal  details  must  be  subordi¬ 
nated  and  brought  into  perspective,  and  a  suitable  his¬ 
torical  and  philosophical  connection  given  a  work,  before 
it  can  be  so  dignified.  The  present  volume,  therefore, 
is  not  intended  to  be  a  continuation  of  my  History  of 
Education  before  the  Middle  Ages  and  my  treatment  of 
the  Middle  Ages  and  the  Transition  to  Modern  Times. 
To  a  certain  extent  it  duplicates  material  toward  the 
end  of  the  latter  volume,  and  it  largely  anticipates  my 
History  of  Education  in  Modern  Times ,  but  the  nature 
and  purpose  of  the  present  work  are  quite  different. 

I  have  felt  that  an  account  of  the  life  and  work  of  the 
men  who,  during  the  past  three  centuries,  have  intro¬ 
duced  various  innovations  and  reforms  into  modern 
education  might  contain  interest  and  value  for  many 
who  would  never  read  a  more  comprehensive  and  unified 
production.  I  have,  however,  made  some  attempt  as 
well  to  present  the  social  setting  of  each  reformer. 
Moreover,  although  the  facts  of  biography  are  narrated 

somewhat  at  length,  an  effort  has  been  made  to  elimi- 

•  • 

Vll 


PREFACE 


•  •  • 
viu 

nate  everything  that  does  not  seem  to  have  some  bear¬ 
ing  upon  the  contributions  of  the  educator  under 
consideration  or  upon  the  spread  and  permanence  of 
his  work.  Such  a  treatment,  I  venture  to  hope,  will 
prove  of  service  to  the  general  reader  and  to  the 
student  of  educational  origins  whose  time  is  lim¬ 
ited.  The  volume  may  be  used  as  a  reference  work, 
a  reading  circle  book,  or  even  as  a  text  for  classes  that 
are  not  in  condition  to  cope  with  the  complexities  of 
modern  educational  history.  The  worth  of  the  book 
for  any  of  these  purposes  has  probably  been  heightened 
by  a  liberal  quotation  from  the  sources  in  the  body  of 
the  text  and  the  addition  of  supplementary  readings  at 
the  end  of  each  chapter. 

This  work  is  largely  an  outgrowth  of  my  lectures  be¬ 
fore  extension  classes,  teachers’  institutes,  and  other 
informal  gatherings  in  the  states  of  Missouri  and  Ohio. 
I  have,  no  doubt,  unconsciously  received  much  help 
from  those  who  have  listened  to  me  upon  these  occasions, 
and  have  made  bold  to  dedicate  the  book  to  them. 
More  direct  assistance,  however,  has  been  received  from 
my  friends,  Professors  Jesse  H.  Coursault  of  the  Univer¬ 
sity  of  Missouri,  Arthur  J.  Jones  of  the  University  of 
Maine,  and  Edward  0.  Sisson  of  the  University  of 
Washington,  and  from  my  wife,  Helen  Wadsworth 
Graves. 


December  30,  1911. 


F.  P.  G. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER 

I.  John  Milton  and  his  1  Academy1  . 

II.  Francis  Bacon  and  the  Inductive  Method 

III.  Ratich  and  his  Educational  Claims  . 

IV.  COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC 

V.  John  Locke  and  Education  as  Discipline  . 

VI.  F^rancke  and  his  Institutions  .  .  .  . 

VII.  Rousseau  and  Naturalism  in  Education  . 

VIII.  Basedow  and  the  Philanthropinum 

IX.  Pestalozzi  and  Education  as  Development 

X.  Herbart  and  Education  as  a  Science 

XI.  Froebel  and  the  Kindergarten  . 

XII.  Lancaster  and  Bell,  and  the  Monitorial  System 

XIII.  Horace  Mann  and  the  American  Educational 

Revival  .  * . 

XIV.  Herbert  Spencer  and  the  Relative  Value  of 

Studies . 


PAGE 

I 

IO 
20 
2  7 
52 
67 

77 

112 

122 
167 
194 
2  37 

249 

274 


GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE 

CENTURIES 


CHAPTER  I 

JOHN  MILTON  AND  HIS  ‘ACADEMY’ 

In  the  popular  mind  the  name  of  John  Milton  (1608- 
1674)  is  associated  only  with  the  great  epic,  Paradise 
Lost.  Scholars  and  literary  men  include  a  wider  range 
of  his  poetry  within  their  vision,  and  recognize  a  large 
difference  between  the  products  of  his  youthful  period 
and  those  of  his  enriched  maturity.  But  between  these 
stages  comes  a  period  as  a  prose  writer  and  pamphleteer, 
which,  while  little  known  even  to  the  student  of  litera¬ 
ture,  has  made  Milton  one  of  the  interesting  figures  in 
education.  The  great  poet  was  a  stanch  Puritan,  and, 
during  this  middle  stage  of  his  career,  several  vigorous 
pamphlets  of  protest  fell  from  his  pen.  He  wrote  upon 
the  freedom  of  the  press,  the  tenure  of  kings,  religious 
toleration,  and  against  the  episcopacy.  At  this  time, 
also,  he  undertook  as  part  of  his  reforms  to  contribute 
to  educational  theory  and  to  the  improvement  of  the 
schools  themselves.  He  conducted  a  boarding  school 
throughout  his  thirties,  and  the  Tractate  of  Education 

B  I 


Milton  was  a 
pamphleteer 
and  a  school¬ 
master,  as 
well  as  apoet, 
and  wrote  a 
Tractate  of 
Education. 


2  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


His  educa¬ 
tional  posi¬ 
tion  is  that  of 
'humanistic’ 
and '  social 
realism,’ 
which  pre¬ 
pared  the 
way  for 
'  sense  real¬ 
ism.’ 


(1644)  is  an  outgrowth  of  his  practical  experience  as  a 
schoolmaster. 

Milton’s  Opposition  to  the  Formal  Humanism 

Although  he  came  somewhat  later  in  the  history 
of  education,  Milton  is  to  be  classed  among  those 
‘  innovators  ’ 1  who  were  endeavoring  to  introduce  a 
broader  humanism  in  the  place  of  the  narrow  ‘Cicero- 
nianism’  into  which  the  educational  product  of  the 
Renaissance  had  hardened.  Instead  of  the  restriction 
to  words  and  set  forms,  they  advocated  a  study  of 
the  ideas,  or  ‘real  things,’  of  which  the  words  were  the 
symbols.  This  emphasis  upon  the  content  of  the  clas¬ 
sics,  which  has  usually  been  known  as  ‘humanistic’ 
realism,  is  especially  noticeable  in  Milton.  With  it  often 
went  the  study  of  social  and  physical  phenomena,  in 
order  to  throw  light  upon  the  meaning  of  the  passages 
under  consideration.  There  seems  also  to  have  been 
an  attempt  to  adapt  education  to  actual  living  in  a  real 
world  and  to  prepare  young  people  for  the  concrete  duties 
of  life,  and  it  was  usually  suggested  that  the  breadth  of 
view  necessary  for  this  could  be  obtained  best  through 

1  Other  innovators  were  Rabelais,  Montaigne,  Mulcaster,  etc.  See 
Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition ,  Chap.  XVII. 
Because  of  the  nature  of  his  educational  position,  Milton  is  treated  here 
before  Bacon,  Ratich,  and  Comenius,  although  he  follows  them  in  point 
of  time. 


JOHN  MILTON  AND  HIS  ‘  ACADEMY  ’ 


3 


travel  under  the  care  of  a  tutor  or  by  residence  in  a  for¬ 
eign  school.  This  latter  tendency,  which  appears  to 
some  extent  in  Milton’s  Tractate ,  may  be  called  ‘social’ 
realism.  However,  while  one  element  or  the  other  may 
seem  to  be  more  prominent  in  a  certain  treatise,  these 
two  phases  of  education  are  largely  bound  up  in  each 
other,  and  both  tendencies  are  evident  in  most  re¬ 
formers  of  the  times.  They  seem  to  be  but  two  sides 
of  the  same  thing  and  to  constitute  together  a  natural 
bridge  from  the  humanism  of  the  later  Renaissance  to 
the  ‘sense  realism’  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

The  Tractate  of  Education  is  an  admirable  illustration 
of  this  broader  humanism.  While  a  remarkable  classi¬ 
cist  himself,  Milton  objects  to  the  usual  humanistic  edu¬ 
cation  with  its  “grammatic  flats  and  shallows  where 
they  stuck  unreasonably  to  learn  a  few  words  with  lamen¬ 
table  construction,”  and  declares  that  the  boys  “do  for 
the  most  part  grow  into  hatred  and  contempt  of  learning.” 
He  claims  that  “we  do  amiss  to  spend  seven  or  eight 
years  in  scraping  together  so  much  miserable  Latin  and 
Greek  as  might  be  learned  otherwise  easily  and  delight¬ 
fully  in  one  year.”  He  especially  stigmatizes,  as  Locke 
did  later,  the  formal  work  in  Latin  composition,  “forcing 
the  empty  wits  of  children  to  compose  themes,  verses, 
and  orations,  which  are  the  acts  of  ripest  judgment  and 
the  final  work  of  a  head  filled  by  long  reading  and  ob¬ 
serving.” 


The  Tractate 
of  Education 
opposes  the 
formal  hu¬ 
manism, 


4  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


and  advo¬ 
cates  ideas 
rather  than 
words. 


Milton 
recommends 
an  encyclo¬ 
paedic  pro¬ 
gram,  includ¬ 
ing  sciences, 
but  also  a 
broad  train¬ 
ing  in  Latin 
and  Greek, 


His  Encyclopaedic  but  Humanistic  Curriculum 

It  is  not,  however,  the  study  of  classics  in  itself  that 
Milton  opposes,  but  the  constant  harping  upon  grammar 
without  regard  to  the  thought  of  the  authors,  for  “though 
a  linguist  should  pride  himself  to  have  all  the  tongues 
that  Babel  cleft  the  world  into,  yet  if  he  have  not  studied 
the  solid  things  1  in  them  as  well  as  the  words  and  lexicons, 
he  were  nothing  so  much  to  be  esteemed  as  any  yeoman 
or  tradesman  competently  wise  in  his  mother  dialect 
only.”  In  this  statement,  as  well  as  elsewhere,  it  is 
obvious  that  by  ‘ things’  Milton  meant  ideas  and  not 
objects.  Even  in  his  recommendation  of  a  most  en¬ 
cyclopaedic  program  of  studies,  which  is  usually  one  of 
the  marks  of  the  sense  realist,  he  seems  to  imply  the  c  hu¬ 
manistic’  rather  than  the  ‘ sense’  realism,  although  he 
wrote  half  a  century  after  Bacon  and  was  a  younger  con¬ 
temporary  of  Comenius.2  While  his  curriculum  includes 
large  elements  of  science  and  manual  training,  and  es¬ 
pecially  emphasizes  a  knowledge  of  nature,  it  affords 
the  broadest  training  in  Latin  and  Greek,  and,  after  the 
fashion  of  broader  humanism  in  general,  undertakes  to 
teach  agriculture  through  Latin,  and  natural  history, 
geography,  and  medicine  through  Greek.  On  the  whole, 

1  Italics  not  in  the  original. 

2  The  Tractate  is  dedicated  to  Samuel  Hartlib,  who  was  also  the  friend 
and  patron  of  Comenius,  and  a  well-known  sense  realist.  See  footnote 
on  page  2. 


JOHN  MILTON  AND  HIS  ‘ACADEMY’ 


5 


it  is  an  education  of  books,  and  the  enormous  load  of 
languages  —  Italian,  Hebrew,  Chaldee,  and  Syriac,  as 
well  as  Latin  and  Greek,  —  together  with  mathematics, 
sciences,  and  other  studies,  would  make  such  a  course 
impossible,  except,  as  some  one  has  said,  for  a  ‘  college 
of  Miltons.’ 


His  Broad  Definition  of  Education 


As  with  some  of  the  other  humanistic  realists,  notably 
Montaigne,  Milton  also  would  have  considerable  time 
given,  toward  the  end  of  the  course,  to  the  social  sciences, 
such  as  history,  ethics,  politics,  economics,  and  theology, 
and  to  such  practical  training  as  would  bring  one  in 


and  much 
time  on  the 
social  sci¬ 
ences, 

together  with 
travel  at 
home  and 
abroad. 


touch  with  life.  He  likewise  advocates  the  experience 
and  knowledge  that  would  come  from  travel  in  England 


and  abroad.  Thus,  in  the  place  of  the  usual  restricted 


conception  of  humanistic  education,  Milton  would  sub¬ 


stitute  a  genuine  study  and  understanding  of  the  clas¬ 
sical  authors  and  a  real  preparation  for  life.  While  at  Hence  he  de- 

fines  cduca,- 

first  he  piously  declares  that  the  aim  of  learning  is  “to  tion  from  the 
repair  the  rums  of  our  first  parents  by  regaining  to  fitting  one’s 
know  God  aright,”  he  is  more  specific  later  when  he  environment- 
frames  his  famous  definition  :  — 


“I  call  therefore  a  complete  and  generous  education  that  which 
fits  a  man  to  perform  justly,  skilfully,  and  magnanimously  all 
the  offices  both  private  and  public  of  peace  and  war.” 


6  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


The  ‘Acad¬ 
emy  ’  is  to 
provide  a 
secondary 
and  higher 
education. 


It  was  after¬ 
ward  adopted 
in  a  modified 
form  by  the 
noncon¬ 
formists  in 
England, 


His  Educational  Institution,  —  the  *  Academy  ’ 

The  school  in  which  Milton  would  carryout  his  ideal 
education  he  calls  an  Academy ,  and  states  that  it  should 
be  held  in  “a  spatious  house  and  ground  about  it,  big 
enough  to  lodge  one  hundred  and  fifty  persons.”  This 
institution  should  keep  the  boys  from  the  age  of  twelve 
to  twenty-one,  and  should  provide  both  secondary  and 
higher  education,  “not  heeding  a  remove  to  any  other 
house  of  scholarship,  except  it  be  some  peculiar  college 
of  Law  or  Physic.”  And  he  adds:  “After  this  pattern 
as  many  edifices  may  be  converted  to  this  use  as  shall 
be  needful  in  every  city  throughout  this  land.” 

Influence  of  Milton’s  1  Academy  ’  in  England  and 

America 

Strangely  enough,  this  educational  curriculum  and 
organization  of  Milton’s,  exaggerated  as  they  were,  found 
a  partial  embodiment  and  function  in  a  new  educational 
institution  that  became  of  great  importance  in  England 
and  the  United  States.  ‘Academies’  based  upon  this 
general  plan  were  organized  in  many  places  to  meet  cer¬ 
tain  exigencies  of  the  English  nonconformists,  that  arose 
toward  the  end  of  Milton’s  life.  The  two  thousand 
dissenting  clergymen  who  were  driven  from  their  par¬ 
ishes  by  the  harsh  Act  of  Uniformity  in  1662,  in  many 
instances  found  school-teaching  a  congenial  means  of 


JOHN  MILTON  AND  HIS  ‘  ACADEMY  ’ 


7 


earning  a  livelihood,  and  at  the  same  time  of  furnishing 
higher  education  to  the  young  dissenters  who  were  ex¬ 
cluded  from  the  universities  and  ‘grammar’1  schools. 
The  first  of  these  academies  was  that  established  by 
Richard  Frankland  at  Rathmill  in  1665,  and  this  was 
followed  by  the  institutions  of  John  Woodhouse  at 
Sheriffhales,  of  Charles  Morton  at  Newington  Green, 
and  of  some  thirty  other  educators  of  whom  we  have 
record.  While  these  academies  usually  followed  the 
humanistic  realism  of  Milton,  and,  since  their  chief  func¬ 
tion  was  to  fit  for  the  ministry,  included  Latin,  Greek, 
and  Hebrew  in  their  course,  they  were  also  rich  in  sci¬ 
ences,  mathematics,  and  the  social  sciences,  and  the 
vernacular  was  especially  emphasized.2  The  new  tend¬ 
ency  was  also  broadened  and  amplified  by  the  writ¬ 
ings  of  Locke,  whose  Thoughts  3  became  the  great  guide 
for  the  managers  of  the  Puritan  academies.  In  1689, 
when  the  Act  of  Toleration  put  nonconformity  upon  a 
legal  footing,  the  academies  were  allowed  to  be  regularly 
incorporated. 

So  in  America,  when,  by  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  the  number  of  religious  denominations  had 
greatly  increased  and  the  demands  upon  secondary 

1  See  footnote  on  p.  8. 

2  A  detailed  account  of  the  history  and  curriculum  of  these  academies 
is  given  in  Brown,  Making  of  Our  Middle  Schools,  Chap.  VIII. 

3  See  pp.  52  £f. 


and  for  sec¬ 
ondary  edu¬ 
cation 
in  America. 


8  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


education  had  expanded,  the  ‘  grammar  *  schools,1  with 
their  narrow  denominational  ideals  and  their  limitation 
to  a  classical  training  and  college  preparation,  proved 
inadequate,  and  an  imitation  of  the  English  academy 
arose  as  a  supplement.  The  first  suggestion  of  an 
‘ academy’  was  made  in  1743  by  Benjamin  Franklin. 
He  wished  to  inaugurate  an  education  that  would  pre¬ 
pare  for  life,  and  not  merely  for  college.  He  accordingly 
proposed  for  the  youth  of  Pennsylvania  a  course  in  which 
English  grammar  and  composition,  penmanship,  arith¬ 
metic,  drawing,  geography,  history,  the  natural  sciences, 
oratory,  civics,  and  logic  were  to  be  emphasized.  He 
would  gladly  have  excluded  the  languages  altogether 
and  made  the  course  completely  realistic,  but  for  politic 
reasons  he  made  these  subjects  elective.  His  academy 
was  opened  at  Philadelphia  in  1751,  and  similar  institu¬ 
tions  sprang  up  rapidly  through  the  other  colonies  during 
the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Shortly  after 
the  Revolution,  partly  owing  to  the  inability  or  the  un¬ 
willingness  of  the  towns  or  the  counties  to  maintain  gram¬ 
mar  schools,  the  academy  quite  eclipsed  these  institutions, 
and  became  for  a  time  the  representative  type  of  second¬ 
ary  school  in  the  United  States.2 

1  These  ‘grammar’  schools  were  secondary  institutions,  and  the 
classics  composed  the  chief  part  of  the  curriculum.  They  had  been  bor¬ 
rowed  from  the  (Latin)  grammar  schools  of  England  by  the  American 
colonists.  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition , 
pp.  1 72-1 74.  2  See  Brown,  op.  cit .,  Chap.  IX. 


JOHN  MILTON  AND  HIS  ‘  ACADEMY  ’ 


9 


SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  Source 

*Milton,  John.  Tractate  of  Education. 

II.  Authorities 

*  Adamson,  J.  W.  Pioneers  of  Modern  Education.  Chap.  VII. 
Barnard,  H.  American  Journal  of  Education.  Vol.  II,  pp.  61-76. 
Barnard,  H.  English  Pedagogy.  Pp.  145-190. 

Brooks,  P.  Milton  as  an  Educator  (in  Essays  and  Addresses , 
pp.  300-319). 

Browning,  O.  History  of  Educational  Theories.  Chap.  VI. 
^Browning,  O.  Milton’s  Tractate  of  Education. 

*Laurie,  S.  S.  Educational  Opinion  since  the  Renaissance.  Chap. 
XII. 

Laurie,  S.  S.  Essays  and  Addresses.  Chap.  IX. 

Masson,  D.  Life  of  Milton.  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  186-255. 

*Morris,  E.  E.  Milton’s  Tractate  of  Education.  Introduction. 
Quick,  R.  H.  Educational  Reformers.  Chap.  XII,  pp.  212-218. 

*  It  is  suggested  that  the  general  reader  begin  with  the  references 
marked  with  an  asterisk.  They  are  not  necessarily  the  most  valuable, 
but  they  are  usually  available  and  interesting. 


CHAPTER  II 


‘  Sense  real¬ 
ism  ’  was  a 
reflection  of 
the  scientific 
development 
in  the  six¬ 
teenth  and 
seventeenth 
centuries.  It 
led  to  new 
principles, 
content, 
method,  and 
texts  in  edu¬ 
cation. 


FRANCIS  BACON  AND  THE  INDUCTIVE  METHOD 

Milton  and  other  innovators  represented  realism  in 
its  early  1  humanistic’  and  ‘social’  phases.  But  the 
realistic  awakening  did  not  cease  with  reviving  the  idea 
represented  by  the  word  or  with  the  endeavor  to  bring 
the  pupil  in  touch  with  the  life  he  was  to  lead.  The 
earlier  or  humanistic  realism  simply  represents  a  stage 
in  the  process  of  transition  from  the  narrow  and  formal 
humanism  to  the  movement  of  sense  realism.  This  later 
form  of  realism  was  a  reflection  of  the  great  scientific 
development  of  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  and  the 
first  half  of  the  seventeenth  centuries,  with  its  variety 
of  discoveries  and  inventions.  The  first  great  step  in 
this  movement  was  taken  by  Copernicus.  Not  until 
1543  was  his  hypo  thesis  of  a  solar  system  published,  but 
as  early  as  1496  there  had  been  a  dissatisfaction  with  the 
existing  Ptolemaic  interpretation,  and  a  groping  after 
a  more  satisfactory  explanation  of  the  universe.  After 
Copernicus,  other  great  discoverers  rapidly  arose  in  Italy, 
France,  Holland,  and  England,  and  the  spirit  of  the  new 
movement  was  felt  in  philosophy  and  education.  Many 

10 


BACON  AND  THE  INDUCTIVE  METHOD 


ii 


new  discoveries  in  science  and  inventions  were  made, 
and  philosophy  began  to  base  itself  upon  reason  and  the 
senses.  Kepler  made  it  possible  to  search  the  heavens, 
Galileo  reorganized  the  science  of  physics,  and  an  air 
pump  was  invented  by  Guericke.  This  scientific  progress 
was  accompanied  on  the  philosophic  side  by  the  rational¬ 
ism  of  Descartes  and  the  empiricism  of  Locke.  The 
educational  theorists,  as  a  result,  began  to  introduce 
science  and  a  knowledge  of  real  things  into  the  curricu¬ 
lum.  It  was  felt  that  humanism  gave  a  knowledge  only 
of  words,  books,  and  opinions,  and  did  not  even  at  its 
best  lead  to  a  study  of  real  things.  Hence  new  methods 
and  new  books  were  produced,  to  shorten  and  improve 
the  study  of  the  classical  languages,  and  n^w  content 
was  imported  into  the  courses  of  study.  The  movement 
would  even  seem  to  include  some  attempt  at  a  formula¬ 
tion  of  scientific  principles  in  education. 


Bacon’s  New  Method 


The  new  tendency,  however,  did  not  appear  in  educa¬ 
tion  until  after  the  time  of  Francis  Bacon  (1561-1626). 
The  use  of  the  scientific  method  by  the  various  discoverers 
was  largely  unconscious,  and  it  remained  for  Bacon  to 
formulate  what  he  called  the  method  of  ‘induction/ 
and,  by  advocating  its  use,  to  point  the  way  to  its  devel¬ 
opment  as  a  scientific  theory  of  education.  He  is,  there¬ 
fore,  ordinarily  known  as  the  first  sense  realist.  Accord- 


The  scientific 
method  was 
first  formu¬ 
lated  by  Ba¬ 
con,  who,  in 
opposition  to 
the  Aristote¬ 
lian  method, 
published  his 
Novum  Or- 
ganum,  by 
means  of 
which  he 
thought  all 


12  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


men  might 
attain 
complete 
knowledge 
and  truth. 


ing  to  Dr.  Rawley,  his  biographer,  Bacon,  while  still  at 
the  University  of  Cambridge,  conceived  a  disgust  for 
Aristotle’s  philosophy  as  it  was  then  taught.  At  any 
rate,  it  is  known  that  even  during  the  busiest  part  of  his 
public  career  he  undertook  in  sporadic  works  to  combat 
the  Aristotelian  method,  and  to  form  a  new  procedure 
on  the  basis  of  the  scientific  discoveries  of  the  day.  Not 
until  1620,  however,  did  he  publish  his  great  treatise  on 
inductive  reasoning  called  Novum  Organum  (‘new  in¬ 
strument  ’)  in  opposition  to  Aristotle’s  work  on  deduc¬ 
tion.  In  behalf  of  his  treatise  Bacon  argues  that, 
as  the  hand  is  helpless  without  the  right  tool  to  aid 
it,  so  the  human  intellect  is  inefficient  when  it  does  not 
possess  its  proper  instrument  or  method,  and,  in  his 
opinion,  all  men  are  practically  equal  in  attaining  com¬ 
plete  knowledge  and  truth,  if  they  will  but  use  the 
mode  of  procedure  that  he  describes.  This  new  method 
of  seeking  knowledge  he  contrasts  with  that  in  vogue, 
as  follows :  — 

“There  are  and  can  be  only  two  ways  of  searching  into  and 
discovering  truth.  The  one  flies  from  the  senses  and  particulars 
to  the  most  general  axioms,  and  from  these  principles,  the  truth 
of  which  it  takes  for  settled  and  immovable,  proceeds  to  judg¬ 
ment  and  the  discovery  of  middle  axioms.  And  this  way  is  now 
in  fashion.  The  other  derives  axioms  from  the  senses  and  par¬ 
ticulars,  rising  by  a  gradual  and  unbroken  ascent,  so  that  it  arrives 
at  the  most  general  axioms  last  of  all.  This  is  the  true  way,  but 
as  yet  untried.” 


BACON  AND  THE  INDUCTIVE  METHOD  13 


Hence,  Bacon  would  begin  with  particulars,  rather  than 
use  the  a  priori  reasoning  of  the  syllogism,  as  advocated 
by  the  schoolmen  under  the  impression  that  this  was  the 
method  of  Aristotle.  Before,  however,  one’s  observa¬ 
tions  can  be  accurately  made,  Bacon  felt  it  would  be 
necessary  to  divest  oneself  of  certain  false  and  ill-defined 
notions  to  which  humanity  is  liable.  The  preconcep¬ 
tions  of  which  it  is  necessary  to  be  rid  are  his  famous 
‘idols.’  These  he  declares  to  be  of  four  classes:  — 

“Idols  of  the  Tribe,  which  have  their  foundation  in  human 
nature  itself ;  Idols  of  the  Cave,  for  every  one,  besides  the  faults 
he  shares  with  his  race,  has  a  cave  or  den  of  his  own;  Idols  of 
the  Market-place,  formed  by  the  intercourse  and  association  of 
men  with  each  other ;  and  Idols  of  the  Theatre,  which  have  immi¬ 
grated  into  men’s  minds  from  the  various  dogmas  of  philosophies 
and  also  from  wrong  laws  of  demonstration.” 

Nor  should  the  new  method  end  with  a  mere  collection 
of  particulars.  This  proceeding  Bacon  believes  to  be 
useless  and  fully  as  dangerous  for  science  as  to  generalize 
a  priori ,  and  holds  that  these  two  polar  errors  together 
account  very  largely  for  the  ill  success  of  science  in  the 
past.  He  declares :  — 

“Those  who  have  handled  sciences  have  been  either  men  of 
experiment  or  men  of  dogmas.  The  men  of  experiment  are  like 
the  ant ;  they  only  collect  and  use  :  the  reasoners  resemble  spiders ; 
who  make  cobwebs  out  of  their  substance.  But  the  bee  takes  a 
middle  course;  it  gathers  its  material  from  the  flowers  of  the 


First,  how¬ 
ever,  one 
must  divest 
himself  of 
certain 
preconcep¬ 
tions,  or 
‘idols.’ 


And  one 
must  not  stop 
with  particu¬ 
lars. 


14  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


garden  and  the  field,  but  transforms  and  digests  it  by  a  power 
of  its  own.  Not  unlike  that  is  the  true  business  of  philosophy; 
for  it  neither  relies  solely  or  chiefly  on  the  powers  of  the  mind, 
nor  does  it  take  the  matter  which  it  gathers  from  natural  history 
and  mechanical  experiments  and  lay  it  up  in  the  memory  whole, 
as  it  finds  it;  but  lays  it  up  in  the  understanding  altered  and 
digested.  Therefore,  from  a  closer  and  purer  league  between 
these  two  faculties,  the  experimental  and  the  rational  (such  as 
has  never  yet  been  made),  much  may  be  hoped.” 


The  facts 
must  be 
tabulated 
and  the 
‘forms’  dis¬ 
covered. 


In  the  second  book  of  the  Novum  Organum  Bacon 
begins,  though  he  does  not  complete,  a  more  definite 
statement  of  his  method.  Briefly  stated,  his  plan  was, 
after  ridding  the  mind -of  its  prepossessions,  to  tabulate 
carefully  lists  of  all  the  facts  of  nature.  It  seemed  to 
him  a  comparatively  easy  task  to  make,  through  the 
cooperation  of  scientific  men,  a  complete  accumulation 
of  all  the  facts  of  science.  After  these  data  were  secured, 
the  next  step  would  be  to  discover  the  ‘  forms  ’  of  things, 
by  which  he  means  the  underlying  essence  or  law  of  each 
particular  quality  or  simple  nature.  Such  an  abstrac¬ 
tion  could  be  achieved  by  a  process  of  comparing  the 
cases  where  the  quality  appears  and  where  it  does  not 
appear,  and  of  excluding  the  instances  that  fall  under 
both  heads  until  some  ‘form’  is  clearly  present  only 
when  the  quality  is.  Then,  as  a  proof,  another  list  may 
be  drawn  up  where  the  quality  appears  in  different 
degrees  and  where  the  ‘  form  ’  should  vary  corre¬ 
spondingly. 


BACON  AND  THE  INDUCTIVE  METHOD 


15 


‘  Salomon’s  House’  and  the  Pansophic  Course 

A  description  of  what  Bacon  thinks  may  be  expected 
when  this  scientific  method  is  systematically  carried  out 
can  be  found  in  his  fable  of  the  New  Atlantis.  The  in¬ 
habitants  of  this  mythical  island  are  described  as  having 
in  the  course  of  ages  created  a  state  in  which  ideal  sani¬ 
tary,  economic,  political,  and  social  conditions  obtained. 
The  most  important  institution  of  this  society  is  its 
‘Salomon’s  House,’  an  organization  in  which  the  members 
devoted  themselves  to  scientific  research  and  invention, 
and  in  their  supposed  investigations  Bacon  anticipates 
much  that  scientists  and  inventors  have  to-day  only  just 
begun  to  realize.  He  represents  these  Utopian  scientists 
as  making  all  sorts  of  physical,  chemical,  astronomical, 
medical,  and  engineering  experiments  and  discoveries, 
including  the  artificial  production  of  metals,  the  forcing 
of  plants,  grafting,  and  variation  of  species,  the  infusion 
of  serums,  vivisection,  telescopes,  microphones,  tele¬ 
phones,  flying-machines,  submarine  boats,  steam-engines, 
and  perpetual-motion  machines. 

Bacon  was  not  a  teacher,  and  his  treatment  of  educa¬ 
tional  problems  appears  in  brief  and  scattered  passages, 
and  shows  a  failure  to  appreciate  fully  the  importance 
to  be  attached  to  the  education  of  the  young.1  Yet  his 

1  See  Advancement  of  Learning ,  Bk.  II,  Chap.  I ;  Bk.  VI,  Chap.  IV ; 
Bk.  VII,  Chap.  Ill ;  also  his  essays,  Of  Studies,  Of  Parents  and  Children, 
Of  Custom  and  Education,  etc.  While  he  would  largely  turn  over  the 


Bacon’s  idea 
of  what  may 
be  accom¬ 
plished  by 
this  new 
method  is 
shown  in  his 
New  Atlantis, 
where  the 
members  of 
‘Salomon’s 
House  ’  de¬ 
vote  them¬ 
selves  to 
scientific 
research. 


Education 
should  be 
similarly  or¬ 
ganized  on 
the  basis  of 
‘pansophia.’ 


1 6  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


description  of  ‘ Salomon’s  House’  would  seem  to  imply 
an  interest  in  promoting  scientific  research  and  higher 
education  at  least,  and  a  belief  in  such  an  organization 
of  education  that  society  might  gradually  accumulate 
a  knowledge  of  nature  and  impart  it  to  all  pupils  at  every 
stage.  Perhaps  this  is  attributing  too  much  to  the  great 
English  philosopher,  but  such  certainly  was  the  plan  of 
Ratich  and  Comenius,  who  later  on  worked  out  the  Ba¬ 
conian  theory  in  education,  and  this  dream  of  pansophia 
(‘ all- wisdom’)  formed  part  of  the  educational  creed  of 
the  later  realists  in  general.  Moreover,  we  know  from 
the  second  book  of  his  Advancement  of  Learning  that 
Bacon  ardently  desired  a  reformation  of  the  organization, 
content,  and  methods  of  higher  education,  and  that 
among  his  suggestions  for  advancement  were  a  wider 
course  of  study,  more  complete  equipment  for  scientific 
investigation,  a  closer  cooperation  among  institutions 
of  learning,  and  a  forwarding  of  the  1  unfinished  sciences.’ 


The  Value  of  Bacon’s  Method 


Bacon  prop¬ 
erly  rejected 
the  contem¬ 
porary 
a  priori 


In  estimating  the  method  of  Bacon,  it  is  difficult  to  be 
fair.  The  importance  of  his  work  has  been  as  much  ex¬ 
aggerated  by  some  as  it  has  been  undervalued  by  others. 


education  of  the  young  to  the  Jesuits,  he  is  pedagogically  wise  in  his 
suggestions  as  to  the  promotion  of  particular  ability,  the  strengthening  of 
mental  weaknesses,  and  the  methods  of  moral  education.  See  Sisson, 
Francis  Bacon  on  Education  {Education,  November,  1908). 


BACON  AND  THE  INDUCTIVE  METHOD 


17 


He  reacted  from  the  current  view  of  Aristotle’s  reason¬ 
ing,  and,  taking  his  cue  from  the  many  scientific  workers 
of  his  time,  formulated  a  new  method  in  opposition  to 
what  he  mistook  as  the  position  of  the  great  logician. 
He  very  properly  rejected  the  contemporary  method  of 
attempting  to  establish  a  priori  the  first  principles  of  a 
science,  and  then  deduce  from  them  by  means  of  the 
syllogism  all  the  propositions  which  that  science  could 
contain.  But  in  endeavoring  to  create  a  method  whereby 
anyone  could  attain  all  the  knowledge  of  which  the  human 
mind  was  capable,  he  undertook  far  too  much.  His 
effort  to  put  all  men  on  a  level  in  reaching  truth  resulted 
in  a  most  mechanical  mode  of  procedure  and  neglected 
the  part  played  by  scientific  imagination  in  the  framing 
of  hypotheses.  Scientific  method  is  not  at  present  satis¬ 
fied  to  hold,  as  Bacon  did,  that  because  all  observed  cases 
under  certain  conditions  produce  a  particular  effect, 
every  other  instance  not  yet  observed  will  necessarily 
have  the  same  property  or  effect.  The  modern  procedure 
is  rather  that,  when  certain  effects  are  observed,  of  which 
the  cause  or  law  is  unknown,  the  scientist  frames  an 
hypothesis  to  account  for  them ;  then,  by  the  process  of 
deduction,  tries  this  on  the  facts  that  he  has  collected; 
and  if  the  hypothesis  is  verified,  maintains  that  he  has 
discovered  the  cause  or  law.  Yet  this  is  only  a  more 
explicit  statement  of  what  has  always  been  implied  in 
every  process  of  reasoning.  The  method  had  certainly 


method,  but, 
in  attempt¬ 
ing  to  put  all 
men  on  a 
level  in  at¬ 
taining  truth, 
he  undertook 
too  much, 
and  made  a 
most  me¬ 
chanical  pro¬ 
cedure. 


1 8  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 

been  used  by  the  later  Greek  philosophers,  and  it,  as 
well  as  the  syllogism,  had  even  been  formulated  by  Aris¬ 
totle,  although  this  part  of  his  work  was  not  known  in 
Bacon’s  day. 

Bacon  cannot,  therefore,  really  be  said  to  have  in¬ 
vented  a  new  method  It  is  also  evident  that  he  failed 
to  appreciate  the  work  of  Aristotle  and  the  function  of 
genius  in  scientific  discovery.  But  he  did  largely  put 
an  end  to  the  existing  process  of  a  priori  reasoning,  and 
he  did  call  attention  to  the  necessity  of  careful  experi¬ 
mentation  and  induction.  Probably  no  book  ever  made 
a  greater  revolution  in  modes  of  thinking  or  overthrew 
more  prejudices  than  Bacon’s  Novum  Organum.  It 
represents  a  culmination  in  the  reaction  that  had  been 
growing  up  through  the  Renaissance,  the  Reformation, 
and  the  earlier  realism. 

As  far  as  education  is  concerned,  Bacon,  while  not 
skilled  or  greatly  interested  in  the  work  himself,  influ¬ 
enced  profoundly  the  writing  and  practice  of  many  who 

were,  and  has  done  much  to  shape  the  spirit  of  modern 

* 

education.  His  method  was  first  applied  directly  to 
education  by  a  German  known  as  Ratich,  and,  in  a  more 
effective  way,  by  Comenius,  a  Moravian. 


BACON  AND  THE  INDUCTIVE  METHOD 


19 


SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  Source 

*Bacon,  F.  Philosophical  Works  (edited  by  Spedding,  Ellis  and 
Heath). 

II.  Authorities 

*  Adamson,  J.  W.  Pioneers  of  Modern  Education.  Chap.  III. 

Barnard,  H.  American  Journal  of  Education.  Vol.  V,  pp.  663-* 
668. 

Barnard,  H.  English  Pedagogy.  Pp.  77-122. 

Beard,  C.  The  Reformation  of  the  Sixteenth  Century.  Chap.  XI. 

Caird,  E.  University  Addresses.  Pp.  124-156. 

*Fowler,  T.  Bacon’s  Novum  Organum. 

Laurie,  S.  S.  History  of  Educational  Opinion  since  the  Renais¬ 
sance.  Chap.  X. 

Munroe,  J.  P.  The  Educational  Ideal.  Chap.  III. 

Nichol,  J.  Francis  Bacon. 

Sisson,  E.  O.  Francis  Bacon  and  the  Modern  University  ( Popular 
Science  Monthly ,  October,  1906)  and  Francis  Bacon  on  Edu¬ 
cation  (. Education ,  November,  1908). 

*Spedding,  J.  Life  and  Times  of  Francis  Bacon. 


CHAPTER  III 


Ratich 
applied  the 
Baconian 
method  to 
the  problems 
of  education, 
especially 
language 
teaching. 


RATICH  AND  HIS  EDUCATIONAL  CLAIMS 

Wolfgang  von  Ratke  (1571-1635),  generally  called 
Ratich  from  an  abbreviation  of  his  Latinized  name,1 
was  born  in  Wilster,  Holstein,  and  first  studied  for  the 
ministry  at  the  University  of  Rostock.  Later,  he  con¬ 
tinued  his  studies  in  England,  where  he  probably  became 
acquainted  with  the  work  of  Bacon.  Before  long,  realiz¬ 
ing  that  he  had  an  incurable  defect  in  speech  which 
would  keep  him  from  success  in  the  pulpit,  he  decided 
to  devote  himself  to  educational  reform.  He  planned  to 
apply  the  principles  of  Bacon  to  the  problems  of  education 
in  general,  but  he  intended  especially  to  reform  the  meth¬ 
ods  of  language  teaching. 

Ratich’s  Attempts  at  School  Reform 

In  1612  Ratich  memorialized  the  imperial  diet,  while 
it  was  sitting  at  Frankfurt,  and  asked  for  an  investiga¬ 
tion  of  his  methods.  Two  professors  from  the  University 
of  Giessen  were  commissioned  to  examine  his  propositions, 
and  afterward  the  University  of  Jena  similarly  had  four 

1 1.e.  Ratichius. 


20 


RATICH  AND  HIS  EDUCATIONAL  CLAIMS 


21 


of  its  staff  look  into  the  matter,  and  in  each  case  a  favor¬ 
able,  not  to  say  enthusiastic,  verdict  was  reached.  When, 
however,  on  the  strength  of  such  reports,  the  town  coun¬ 
cil  of  Augsburg  gave  him  control  of  the  schools  of  that 
city,  he  was  not  able  to  justify  his  claims,  and  the  ar¬ 
rangement  was  abandoned  at  the  end  of  a  year.  Having 
appealed  to  the  diet  again  without  encouragement, 
Ratich  began  traveling  from  place  to  place,  trying  to 
interest  various  princes  or  cities  in  his  system.  He  was 
befriended  by  Dorothea,  Duchess  of  Weimar,  who  in¬ 
duced  her  brother,  Prince  Ludwig  of  Anhalt-Kothen,  to 
provide  a  school  for  Ratich.  This  institution  was  fur¬ 
nished  with  an  expensive  equipment,  including  a  large 
printing  plant ;  a  set  of  teachers  that  had  been  trained 
in  the  Ratichian  methods  and  sworn  to  secrecy,  were 
engaged;  and  some  five  hundred  school  children  of 
Kothen  were  started  on  this  royal  road  to  learning.  The 
experiment  lasted  only  eighteen  months,  and,  largely 
owing  to  Ratich’s  inexperience  as  a  schoolmaster,  was  a 
dismal  failure.  The  prince  was  so  enraged  at  his  pe¬ 
cuniary  loss  and  the  ridiculous  light  in  which  he  was 
placed  that  he  threw  the  unhappy  reformer  into  prison, 
and  released  him  at  the  end  of  three  months  only  upon 
his  signing  a  statement  that  he  had  undertaken  more 
than  he  could  perform.  After  this,  Ratich  tried  his  hand 
at  Magdeburg,  where  he  failed  again,  mostly  as  the  result 
of  theological  differences,  and  then  was  enabled  to  pre- 


His  attempts 
to  apply  his 
principles 
were  uni¬ 
formly  unsuc¬ 
cessful. 


22  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


His  claims 
concerning 
the  teaching 
of  languages, 
the  arts  and 
sciences,  and 
uniformity, 
seem  extrava¬ 
gant,  but 
were  in  keep¬ 
ing  with 
realism. 


“First  study 
the  vernacu¬ 
lar”  and 
“one  thing  at 


sent  his  principles  to  Oxenstiern,  the  chancellor  of  Sweden, 
but  he  never  really  recovered  from  his  disappointment 
in  Kothen,  and  died  of  paralysis  in  Erfurt  before  he  could 
hear  from  Stockholm. 


His  Claims  and  Methods 

Although  there  was  considerable  merit  in  the  prin¬ 
ciples  of  Ratich,  he  had  many  of  the  ear-marks  of  a  moun¬ 
tebank.  Such  may  be  considered  his  constant  attempts 
to  keep  his  methods  a  profound  secret,  and  the  spec¬ 
tacular  ways  he  had  of  presenting  the  ends  they  were 
bound  to  accomplish.  In  writing  the  diet,  he  promised 
by  means  of  his  system :  first,  to  teach  young  or  old 
Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin  without  difficulty,  and  in  a 
shorter  time  than  was  ordinarily  devoted  to  any  one 
language;  secondly,  to  introduce  schools  in  which  all 
arts  and  sciences  should  be  thoroughly  taught  and  ex¬ 
tended;  and,  lastly,  to  establish  uniformity  in  speech, 
religion,  and  government.  As  Ratich  stated  them,  these 
claims  seemed  decidedly  extravagant,  but  as  far  as  he 
'expected  to  carry  them  out,  they  were  but  the  natural 
aims  of  an  education  based  upon  realism  and  the  Ba¬ 
conian  method. 

The  rules  of  procedure  used  by  Ratich  and  his  disciples 
have  been  extracted  by  Von  Raumer  from  a  work  on 
the  Ratichian  methods  published  after  the  system  had 


RATICH  AND  HIS  EDUCATIONAL  CLAIMS 


23 


become  somewhat  known.1  In  linguistic  training  he 
insisted,  like  all  realists,  that  one  “should  first  study  the 
vernacular”  as  an  introduction  to  other  languages.  He 
also  held  to  the  principle  of  “one  thing  at  a  time  and 
often  repeated.”  By  this  he  meant  that,  in  studying  a 
language,  one  should  master  a  single  book.  At  Kothen, 
as  soon  as  the  children  knew  their  letters,  they  were 
required  to  learn  Genesis  thoroughly  for  the  sake  of  their 
German.  Each  chapter  was  read  twice  by  the  teacher, 
while  the  pupils  followed  the  text  with  their  finger. 
When  they  could  read  the  book  perfectly,  they  were 
taught  grammar  from  it  as  a  text.  The  teacher  pointed 
out  the  various  parts  of  speech  and  made  the  children 
find  other  examples,  and  then  had  them  decline,  con¬ 
jugate  and  parse.  In  taking  up  Latin,  a  play  of  Ter¬ 
ence  was  used  in  a  similar  fashion.  A  translation  was 
read  to  the  pupils  several  times  before  they  were  shown 
the  original ;  then  the  Latin  was  translated  to  them  from 
the  text;  next,  the  class  was  drilled  in  grammar;  and 
finally,  the  boys  were  required  to  turn  German  sentences 
into  Latin  after  the  style  of  Terence.  This  method  may 
have  produced  a  high  degree  of  concentration,  but  it  was 
liable  to  result  in  monotony  and  want  of  interest,  unless 
skilfully  administered. 

Another  formulation  of  Ratich’s,  whereby  he  insisted 

1  Methodus  Institutionis  Nova  Ratichii  et  Ratichianorum,  published  by 
Johannes  Rhenius  at  Leipzig  in  1626. 


a  time”  were 
the  prin¬ 
ciples  upon 
which  his 
practice  at 
Kothen  was 
based. 


24  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


His  other 
principles 
were  simi¬ 
larly  real¬ 
istic. 


upon  “ uniformity  and  harmony  in  all  things/’  must 
have  been  of  especial  value  in  teaching  the  grammar 
of  different  languages,  where  the  methods  and  even 
the  terminology  are  often  so  diverse.  Similarly,  his 
idea  that  one  should  “  learn  first  the  thing  and  then  its 
explanation,”  which  was  his  way  of  advising  that  the 
details  and  exceptions  be  deferred  until  the  entire  out¬ 
line  of  a  subject  is  well  in  hand,  would  undoubtedly  save 
a  pupil  from  much  confusion  in  acquiring  a  new  language. 
And  some  of  his  other  principles,  which  applied  to 
education  in  general,  are  even  more  distinctly  realistic. 
For  example,  he  laid  down  the  precept,  “Follow  the 
order  of  nature.”  Although  his  idea  of  ‘nature’  was 
rather  hazy,  and  his  methods  often  consisted  in  mak¬ 
ing  fanciful  analogies  with  natural  phenomena,  yet 
his  injunction  to  make  nature  the  guide  seems  to 
point  the  way  to  realism.  Moreover,  his  attitude  on 
“  everything  by  experiment  and  induction,”  which  com¬ 
pletely  repudiates  all  authority,  went  even  farther  and 
quite  out-Baconed  Bacon.  And  his  additional  recom¬ 
mendation  that  “nothing  is  to  be  learned  by  rote”  looked 
in  the  same  direction.  Finally,  these  realistic  methods 
were  naturally  accompanied  by  the  humane  injunction 
of  “nothing  by  compulsion.” 


RATICH  AND  HIS  EDUCATIONAL  CLAIMS 


His  Educational  Influence 


Thus  Ratich  not  only  helped  shape  some  of  the  best 
methods  for  teaching  languages,  but  he  also  anticipated 
many  of  the  main  principles  of  modern  pedagogy.  In 
carrying  out  his  ideas,  however,  he  was  uniformly  un¬ 
successful.  This  was  somewhat  due  to  his  charlatan 
method  of  presentation,  but  more  because  of  errors  in 
his  principles,  his  want  of  training  and  experience  as  a 
teacher,  and  the  impatience,  jealousy,  and  conservatism 
of  others.  He  must  have  been  regarded  by  his  contem- 


Ratich  antici¬ 
pated  much 
of  modern 
pedagogy, 
although,  be¬ 
cause  of  char¬ 
latanism, 
inexperience, 
and  the  op¬ 
position  of 
others,  he 
failed  to 
carry  out  his 
principles. 


poraries  in  general  as  a  complete  failure,  whenever  they 
contrasted  his  promises  with  his  performances.  Never¬ 
theless,  it  is  clear  that  he  stirred  up  considerable  thought 
and  had  a  wide  influence.  He  won  a  great  many  converts 


to  his  principles,  and,  through  the  texts  and  treatises 
written  as  a  result  of  the  movement  he  stimulated,  his 


ideas  were  largely  perpetuated  and  expanded.  In  the 
next  generation  came  Comenius,  who  carried  out  prac¬ 
tically  all  the  principles  of  Ratich  more  fully,  and  thus, 
in  a  way,  the  German  innovator,  unpractical  as  he  was, 
became  a  sort  of  spiritual  ancestor  to  Pestalozzi,  Froebel, 
and  Herbart. 


26  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  Source 

Richter,  A.  Ratichianische  Studien  (Pts.  9  and  12  of  Neudriicke 
Padagogischer  Schrijten) . 


II.  Authorities 


*Adamson,  J.  W.  Pioneers  of  Modern  Education.  Pp.  31-43. 
Barnard,  H.  American  Journal  of  Education.  Vol.  V,  pp.  229- 
256. 

German  Teachers  and  Educators.  Pp.  319-346. 
Educational  Theories.  Chap.  IV. 

History  of  Pedagogy.  Pp.  121-122. 

Educational  Reformers.  Chap.  IX. 


*Barnard,  H. 
Browning,  O. 
Compayre,  G. 
*Quick,  R.  H. 


CHAPTER  IV 


COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC 

Jan  Amos  Komensky  (1592-1671),  better  known  by 
his  Latinized  name  of  Comenius ,  was  born  at  Nivnitz,  a 
village  of  Moravia.  He  was,  by  religious  inheritance,  a 
devoted  adherent  of  the  Protestant  sect  called  Moravian 
Brethren.1  While  he  became  bishop  of  the  Moravians, 
and  devoted  many  of  his  writings  to  religion  or  theo¬ 
logical  polemics,  this  does  not  concern  us  here,  except  as 
it  affected  his  attitude  as  an  educational  reformer  and 
a  sense  realist. 

The  Education  and  Earliest  Work  of  Comenius 

In  his  schooling,  possibly  as  the  result  of  careless 
guardianship  of  his  inheritance,  Comenius  did  not 
come  to  the  study  of  Latin,  the  all-important  subject 
in  his  day,  until  he  was  sixteen.  This  delay  must, 

1  The  Moravian  or  Bohemian  Church,  officially  known  as  TJnitas 
Fratrum,  is  generally  considered  Lutheran  in  doctrine,  but  its  religious 
descent  goes  back  of  Luther’s  time  to  the  Bohemian  martyr,  Huss,  and  it 
has  always  preserved  a  separate  organization.  There  are  now  three 
‘provinces’  of  Moravians,  the  German,  British,  and  American.  They 
number  in  all  about  thirty-five  thousand  members,  of  whom  some  twenty 
thousand  are  in  the  United  States. 


Comenius 
was  trained 
in  a  Latin 
school  and  at 
Herborn. 


27 


28  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


He  then 
taught  at 
Prerau  and 
wrote  his 
Easier  Gram¬ 
mar. 


Inth  eJanua, 
the  first  of  his 
remarkable 


however,  be  regarded  as  most  fortunate  for  education, 
as  his  maturity  enabled  him  to  perceive  the  amount  of 
time  then  wasted  upon  grammatical  complications  and 
other  absurdities  in  teaching  languages,  and  was  instru¬ 
mental  in  causing  him  to  undertake  an  improvement  of 
method.  After  his  course  in  the  Latin  school,  Comenius 
spent  a  couple  of  years  in  higher  education  at  the  Lutheran 
College  of  Herborn  in  the  duchy  of  Nassau,1  where  he 
went  to  prepare  for  the  ministry  of  his  denomination,  and 
at  the  University  of  Heidelberg.  Then,  as  he  was  still 
rather  young  for  the  cares  of  the  pastorate,  he  taught  for 
four  years  (1614-1618)  in  the  school  at  Prerau,  Moravia. 
Here  he  soon  made  his  first  attempt  at  simplifying  the 
teaching  of  Latin  by  the  production  of  a  work  called 
Grammatical  Facilioris  Prcccepta  (‘  Precepts  of  Easier 
Grammar’).  Next  (1618-1621)  he  became  pastor  at 
Fulneck.  Then,  after  a  series  of  persecutions  resulting 
from  the  Thirty  Years’  War,  during  which  he  and  his 
fellow  pastors  were  driven  from  pillar  to  post,  he  settled 
in  1627  at  the  Polish  town  of  Leszno.2 

The  Jama  Linguarum  and  Other  Texts  of  the  Series 

This  place  became  the  center  from  which  most  of  his 
great  contributions  to  education  emanated.  During  his 

1  The  University  of  Prague,  to  which  Comenius  would  naturally  have 
gone,  was  at  this  time  in  the  control  of  the  Utraquists,  a  Hussite  sect  op¬ 
posed  to  the  Moravians. 

2  This  town,  now  called  Lissa,  is  a  part  of  Prussia. 


COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC 


29 


residence  of  fourteen  years  as  rector  of  the  Moravian 
gymnasium  here,  he  accomplished  many  reforms  in  the 
schools,  and  began  to  embody  his  ideas  in  a  series  of 
remarkable  textbooks.  The  first  of  these  works  was  pro¬ 
duced  in  1631,  and  has  generally  been  known  by  the  name 
of  Janua  Linguarum  Reserata  (‘Gate  of  Languages  Un¬ 
locked  ’).  It  was  intended  as  an  introductory  book  to 
the  study  of  Latin,1  and  consisted  of  an  arrangement  into 
sentences  of  several  thousand  Latin  words  for  the  most 
familiar  objects  and  ideas.  The  Latin  was  printed  on 
the  right-hand  side  of  the  page,  and  on  the  left  was  given 
a  translation  in  the  vernacular.  By  this  means  the  pupil 
obtained  a  grasp  of  all  ordinary  knowledge  and  at  the 
same  time  a  start  in  his  Latin  vocabulary.  In  writing 
this  text,  Comenius  may  have  been  somewhat  influenced 
by  Ratich,  the  criticism  of  whose  methods  by  the  pro¬ 
fessors  at  Giessen 2  he  had  read  while  at  Herborn,3  but  he 
seems  to  have  been  more  specifically  indebted  both  for 
his  method  and  the  felicitous  name  of  his  book  to  a 
Jesuit  known  as  Bateus,4  who  had  written  a  similar  work. 

1  In  the  first  edition  it  was  called  Janua  Lingua  Latina  Reserata . 

2  See  pp.  20  f. 

3  As,  however,  Rabich  had  failed  to  answer  the  letter  of  inquiry  he 
wrote  him  from  Leszno,  Comenius  must  have  largely  worked  out  the  plan 
independently. 

4  Batty  or  Bateus  was  an  Irishman,  although  at  the  College  of  Sala¬ 
manca  in  Spain.  Comenius  makes  acknowledgments  to  him  in  the 
Janua,  but  says  his  ideas  had  been  outlined  some  time  before  his  attention 
was  called  to  the  book  of  the  Jesuit  father. 


series  of  texts 
on  the  strdy 
of  Latin,  he 
was  influ¬ 
enced  by 
Ratich  and 
Bateus. 


3o  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


The  Vestibu¬ 
lum  was  an 
introduction 
to  the  Janua; 
the  A  trium,  a 
third  book ; 
the  Palatium, 
a  fourth ;  the 
Orbis  Pictus, 
an  edition  of 
the  Janua 
with  pictures; 
and  the 
Schola  Lu- 
dus,  a  drama¬ 
tized  Janua. 


It  was  soon  apparent  that  the  Janua  would  be  too 
difficult  for  beginners,  and  two  years  later  Comenius 
issued  his  Vestibulum  (‘Vestibule’)  as  an  introduction 
to  it.  While  the  Janua  contained  all  the  ordinary  words 
of  the  language,  —  some  eight  thousand,  there  were  but 
a  few  hundred  of  the  most  common  in  the  Vestibulum . 
Both  of  the  works,  however,  were  several  times  revised, 
modified,  and  enlarged.  Also  grammars,  lexicons,  and 
treatises  to  accompany  them  were  written  in  later  periods 
of  Comenius’s  literary  career.  Much  work  of  this  sort 
was  done  between  1642  and  1650.  During  this  period 
Comenius  had  accepted  the  invitation  of  Sweden  to  settle, 
under  the  patronage  of  his  friend,  Ludovic  De  Geer,  at 
Elbing,  a  quiet  town  on  the  Baltic,  and  develop  his  ideas 
on  method  and  school  improvement.  Here  the  Vesti¬ 
bulum  and  Janua  were  revised,1  and  the  third  of  his  Latin 
readers,  the  Atrium  (‘Entrance  Hall’),2  which  took  the 
pupil  one  stage  beyond  the  Janua ,  was  probably  started. 
But  the  Atrium  was  not  finished  and  published  until 
Comenius  began  his  residence  of  four  years  at  Saros- 
Patak,  where  he  was  in  1650  urged  by  the  prince  of 

1  In  Elbing  the  Methodus  Linguarum  Novissima  (‘Latest  Method  in 
Languages’),  which  outlines  his  idea  of  the  purpose  and  principles  of 
language  teaching,  together  with  several  other  didactic  works,  was  also 
produced. 

2  When  planning  this  work  in  the  Didactica  Magna  (Chap.  XXII,  19 
and  22-24),  he  refers  to  it  as  Palatium,  and  the  fourth  book,  afterward 
called  Palatium,  he  there  speaks  of  as  Thesaurus. 


COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC 


31 


Transylvania  to  come  and  reform  the  schools  of  the 
country. 

From  his  description  of  an  ideal  school  for  Patak,1 
and  from  other  works,  it  is  known  that  he  intended  also 
to  write  a  fourth 2  work  in  the  Janual  series,  but  he  never 
completed  it.  This  was  to  be  known  as  Sapientice 
Palatium  (‘ Palace  of  Wisdom’),  and  was  to  consist  of 
selections  from  Caesar,  Sallust,  Cicero,  and  others  of  the 
best  prose  writers.  While  in  Patak,  however,  Comenius 
did  write  two  supplementary  textbooks,  the  Orbis  Sen- 
sualium  Pictus  (‘The  World  of  Sense  Objects  Pictured’) 
and  the  Schola  Ludas  (‘School  Plays’).  The  latter, 
which  is  an  attempt  to  dramatize  the  Janua ,  soon  fell 
into  disuse,  but  the  former,  in  which  Comenius  applied 
his  principles  of  sense  realism  more  fully  than  in  any  other 
of  his  readers,  remained  a  very  popular  text  for  two  cen¬ 
turies,  and  is  most  typical  of  the  Comenian  principles. 
It  is  practically  an  edition  of  the  Janua,  accompanied 
with  pictures,  but  is  simpler  and  more  extensive  than 
the  first  issue  of  that  book.  Each  object  in  a  picture 
is  marked  with  a  number  corresponding  to  one  in  the 
text.3  It  is  the  first  illustrated  reading  book  on  record. 

1  Schola  PansopliiccE  Delineatio. 

2  It  would  be  the  fifth,  if  we  should  count  the  unimportant  Auctarium 
(‘Supplement’),  which  he  afterward  (1656)  produced  in  Amsterdam  and 
inserted  between  the  Vestibulum  and  the  Janua. 

3  The  reprint  of  the  English  edition,  published  by  Bardeen  (Syracuse, 
1887),  should  be  consulted.  This  method  of  presentation  is  referred  to  by 


32  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


The  Didac¬ 
tica  gives  his 
principles, 
organization, 
content,  and 
methods  of 
education. 


It  owes  much 
to  the  works 
of  Bacon,  the 
Encyclope¬ 
dia  of  Alsted, 
and  the  writ¬ 
ings  of  many 
others. 


The  Didactica  Magna  as  the  Basis  of  All!  His  Works 

Thus,  throughout  his  life  Comenius  was  more  or  less 
engaged  at  every  period  in  writing  texts  for  the  study  of 
Latin.  But  these  books  connected  with  method  were 
only  a  part  of  the  work  he  contemplated.  During  his 
whole  career  he  had  in  mind  a  complete  system  of  the 
principles  of  education,  and  of  what,  in  consequence,  he 
wished  the  organization,  subject-matter,  and  methods 
to  be.  His  ideas  on  the  whole  question  of  education 
were  early  formulated  at  Leszno  in  his  Didactica  Magna  1 
(‘  Great  Didactic  0-  While  this  work  has  many  original 
features  and  is  more  carefully  worked  out  than  anything 
similar,  Comenius  frankly  recognizes  his  obligations  to 
many  who  have  written  previously.  In  fact,  he  rather 
strove  to  assimilate  all  that  was  good  in  the  realistic  move¬ 
ment  and  use  it  as  a  foundation.  In  this  way  the  Didac¬ 
tica  may  be  said  to  develop  many  of  the  scientific  prin¬ 
ciples  and  methods  found  in  Vives,2  Bateus,  Ratich, 

Comenius  as  early  as  the  Vestibulum  as  a  desirable  one,  which  at  that  time 
could  not  be  carried  out  for  lack  of  a  skilful  engraver.  It  may  have  been 
suggested  to  Comenius  in  the  first  instance  by  a  Greek  Testament  edited 
early  in  the  seventeenth  century  by  a  Professor  Lubinus  of  the  University 
of  Rostock. 

1  This  is  a  singular,  the  noun  ars  being  understood.  The  original  title 
has  in  it  over  one  hundred  words,  beginning  Didactica  Magna;  Omnes 
Omnia  Docendi  Exhibens.  For  a  translation  of  the  entire  title,  see  Keat- 
inge,  The  Great  Didactic  of  Comenius ,  p.  155. 

2  Juan  Luis  Vives  (1492-1540)  was  a  Spanish  humanist,  who  spent 


COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC 


33 


Andreas,1  Frey,2  and  Bodinus,3  but  it  owes  a  greater  debt 
for  its  pansophic  basis  of  education  to  the  works  of  Bacon 
and  even  more  to  the  Encyclopedia  of  Johann  Heinrich 
Alsted,  under  whom  Comenius  had  studied  at  Herborn. 
The  Didactica  seems  to  have  been  completed  in  the 
Moravian  dialect4  about  the  time  the  Janua  first  ap¬ 
peared,  and  must  have  been  contemplated  somewhat 
earlier.  Hence,  while  this  work  was  not  translated 
into  Latin  and  published  until  1657,  and  was  never 
printed  in  the  language  in  which  it  was  originally  written 
until  a  century  and  three  quarters  after  the  death  of  its 
author,  the  point  of  view  must  have  been  established 
even  before  Comenius  came  to  Leszno,  and  influenced 
him  throughout  his  career. 

The  rest  of  the  books  of  Comenius  may  be  regarded 
as  amplifications  of  certain  parts  of  the  Didactica.  To 
make  his  instructions  on  infant  training  more  explicit, 
he  wrote,  while  still  at  Leszno,  the  Injormatorium  Skoly 


The  Didac¬ 
tica  was  made 
explicit  in  the 
Mother 
School,  the 
vernacular 


several  years  in  England.  His  chief  treatise,  De  Tradendis  Disciplinis, 
insists  upon  religion  and  classics  as  the  main  content  of  education. 

1  Johann  Valentin  Andrece  (1586-1654),  court  preacher  at  Stuttgart, 
attacked  the  formal  religion  and  education  of  the  times  in  numerous 
pamphlets. 

2  Janus  Ccecilius  Frey  (?-i63i)  was  a  German  educationalist,  living  in 
Paris,  who  produced  a  number  of  practical  works. 

3  Jean  Bodin  (1530-1596)  was  a  French  writer  on  political  theory,  who 
published  also  an  unusual  educational  treatise  called  Methodus  ad  facilem 
historiarum  cognitionem. 

4  Czech  was  spoken  in  Moravia. 


34  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


series,  and 
the  Janual 
series. 


Attempts  of 
Comenius 
at  ‘pan- 
sophia.’ 


Mater  she  (‘Handbook  of  the  Mother  School’).1  He 
also  supplemented  the  Didactica  with  a  set  of  texts  for 
the  ‘vernacular  school’  similar  to  the  Janual  series,  which 
were  intended  for  the  ‘Latin  School’ ;  but,  being  written 
in  an  obscure  dialect,  these  vernacular  works  were  never 
revised  and  soon  disappeared.2  But  the  phase  of  the 
Didactica  most  often  elaborated  both  in  his  other  works 
and  in  his  school  organization  was  the  realistic  one  of 
pansophia  (‘universal  knowledge’).  This  was  most 
manifest  in  his  desire  to  teach  at  least  the  rudiments  of 
all  things  to  every  one.  It  has  already  been  seen  how 
this  principle  has  been  emphasized  in  his  textbooks,  such 
as  the  Janua  and  the  Orbis  Pictus.  Also,  after  producing 
treatises  upon  Astronomy  and  Physics ,  he  wrote,  while 
at  Leszno  and  Elbing,  several  works  specifically  on  pan¬ 
sophia ,  of  which  the  Janua  Rerum  Reserata  (‘Gate  of 
Things  Unlocked’)  is  the  most  systematic  and  complete. 
These  works,  while  diluted  by  traditional  conceptions 
but  little  beyond  those  of  scholasticism,3  show  how  far 

1  This  work  was  written  first  in  Czech,  although  not  published  in  that 
dialect  for  two  centuries  and  a  quarter.  It  was  issued  in  German  in 
1633,  and  in  Latin  in  1657.  Will  S.  Monroe  has  translated  the  Latin 
edition  into  English  under  the  title  of  The  School  of  Infancy  (Boston,  1896) 

2  The  names  of  these  texts,  as  he  gives  them  in  his  Scholce  Vernaculce 
Delineatio,  were  Violarium  (‘Violet-bed’),  Rosarium  (‘Rose-bed’), 
Viridarium  (‘Grass-plot’),  Labyrinthus  (‘Labyrinth’),  Balsamentum 
(‘Balsam-bed’),  and  Paradisus  Animce  (‘Paradise  of  the  Soul’).  Cf.  also 
the  Didactica ,  Chap.  XXIX,  II. 

3  For  example,  with  Comenius  the  constituents  of  the  universe  are 
reduced  to  matter,  spirit,  and  light. 


COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC 


Comenius,  by  organizing  his  data  about  large  principles, 
instead  of  merely  accumulating  facts,  had  advanced 
beyond  previous  attempts.  Further,  in  his  Didactica 
he  recommends  that  a  great  College  of  Pansophy,  or 
scientific  research,1  be  established,  and  in  1641,  just  be¬ 
fore  his  call  to  Sweden,  he  went  to  England,  at  the  invita¬ 
tion  of  Parliament,  to  start  an  institution  of  this  charac¬ 
ter  there.  At  Patak  he  even  undertook  to  establish  a 
pansophic  school  of  secondary  grade,  as  outlined  in  his 
Pansophica  ScholcB  Delineatio  (‘Plan  of  a  Pansophic 
School’). 

Pansophia  as  His  Ruling  Passion 

This  idea  of  pansophia  seems  to  have  been  most  keen 
and  vivid  with  Comenius  all  his  life,  but  he  was  always 
prevented  from  undertaking  it  to  any  extent  by  one  acci¬ 
dent  or  another,  and  was  doomed  to  constant  disappoint¬ 
ment.  Finally,  shortly  after  his  return  from  Patak,  when 
Leszno  was  burned  by  the  Poles,2  Comenius  barely  es¬ 
caped  with  his  life,  and  his  silva,  or  collection  of  pansophic 
materials,  upon  which  he  had  worked  for  forty  years, 

1  He  calls  it  a  collegium  didacticum. 

2  The  Moravians,  who  had  suffered  so  severely  from  the  Catholics 
during  the  Thirty  Years’  War,  were  in  secret  sympathy  with  the  Protes¬ 
tant  Swedes  during  their  invasion  of  Poland.  After  the  peace  was  de¬ 
clared,  and  several  towns,  including  Leszno,  were  ceded  to  Sweden, 
Comenius  foolishly  published  a  letter  of  congratulation  to  the  Swedish 
king,  Charles  Gustavus,  and,  in  retaliation,  the  Poles  attacked  Leszno 
and  plundered  it. 


His  pan¬ 
sophic  mate¬ 
rials  were 
burned  at 
Leszno. 


36  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


According  to 

Comenius, 

education 

should  aim  at 

knowledge, 

morality,  and 

piety. 


Man’s  lower 
nature  should 


was  completely  destroyed.  He  was  now  in  his  sixty- 
fifth  year  and  had  not  the  strength  or  courage  to  pursue 
his  favorite  conception  further. 

The  Threefold  Aim  of  Education 

While  mystic  and  narrow  at  times,  Comenius  was  a 
sincere  Christian,  and  his  view  of  life  is  most  consistently 
carried  out  in  his  conception  of  education.  He  hoped 
for  a  complete  regeneration  of  mankind  through  an 
embodiment  of  religion  in  the  purpose  of  education.  This 
educational  aim  is  shown  in  the  following  propositions, 
which  he  develops  in  successive  chapters  of  the  Didac- 
tica :  — 

“(I)  Man  is  the  highest,  the  most  absolute,  and  the  most 
excellent  of  things  created ;  (II)  the  ultimate  end  of  man  is  beyond 
this  life ;  (III)  this  life  is  but  a  preparation  for  eternity ;  (IV)  there 
are  three  stages  in  the  preparation  for  eternity:  to  know  oneself 
(and  with  oneself  all  things),  to  rule  oneself,  and  to  direct  oneself 
to  God ; 1  (V)  the  seeds  of  these  three  (learning,  virtue,  religion  2) 
are  naturally  implanted  in  us ;  (VI)  if  a  man  is  to  be  produced,  it 
is  necessary  that  he  be  formed  by  education.” 

Thus,  from  his  religious  conception  of  society,  Come¬ 
nius  works  out  as  his  aim  of  education  knowledge ,  morality , 

1  In  the  original,  Se  et  secum  omnia,  Nosse;  Regere;  et  ad  Deum  Diri- 
gere.  Cf. 

“Self-reverence,  self-knowledge,  self-control,  — 

These  three  alone  lead  life  to  sovereign  power.” 

—  Tennyson’s  (Enone . 

M.e.  eruditio,  virtus  seu  mores  honestas,  religio  sen  pietas. 


COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC  37 


and  piety ,  and  makes  these  ideals  go  hand  in  hand.  It 
is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  his  ideas  about  what  con¬ 
stitutes  religion  have  advanced  a  long  way  beyond  those 
of  mediaeval  times.  He  regards  education  not  as  a  means 
of  ridding  oneself  of  all  natural  instincts,  and  of  exalting 
the  soul  by  degrading  the  body,  but  as  a  system  for  con¬ 
trolling  the  lower  nature  by  the  higher  through  a  mental, 
moral,  and  religious  training.  Education  should  enable 
one  to  become  pious  through  the  establishment  of  moral 
habits,  which  are  in  turn  to  be  formed  and  guided  through 
adequate  knowledge. 

Universal  Education  and  the  Four  School  Periods 

But  as  with  Comenius  education  is  to  prepare  us  to 
live  as  human  beings,  rather  than  to  fit  us  for  station, 
rank,  or  occupation,  he  further  holds :  — 

“(VIII)  The  young  must  be  educated  in  common,  and  for 
this  schools  are  necessary ;  (IX)  all  the  young  of  both  sexes  should 
be  sent  to  school.” 

Under  these  headings  he  shows  that,  while  the  parents 
are  responsible  for  the  education  of  their  children,  it  has 
been  necessary  to  set  aside  a  special  class  of  people  for 
teachers  and  to  create  a  special  institution  known  as  the 
school,  and  that  there  should  be  one  system  of  schools 
for  all  alike,  —  “boys  and  girls,  both  noble  and  ignoble, 
rich  and  poor,  in  all  cities  and  towns,  villages  and  ham¬ 
lets.” 


be  controlled 
by  the 
higher. 


There  should 
be  one  sys¬ 
tem  of 
schools  for 
aU. 


38  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


The  *  school 
of  the  moth¬ 
er’s  lap,’  the 
‘vernacular 
school,’  the 
‘  Latin 
school,’  and 
the  ‘  acad¬ 
emy.’ 


Later  on,1  the  Didactica  more  fully  describes  the  or¬ 
ganization  that  Comenius  believes  would  be  most  effec¬ 
tive.  The  system  should  consist  of  four  periods  of  six 
years  each,  ranging  from  birth  to  manhood.  The  first 
period  of  instruction  is  that  through  infancy,  which  lasts 
up  to  the  age  of  six,  and  the  school  is  that  of  the  ‘  mother’s 
lap.’ 2  Next  comes  childhood,  which  continues  until  the 
pupil  is  twelve,  and  for  this  is  to  be  organized  the  ‘  ver¬ 
nacular,’  or  elementary,  school.  From  that  time  up  to 
eighteen  comes  the  period  of  adolescence,  with  its  ‘ Latin,’ 
or  secondary,  school.  Finally,  during  youth,  from  eight¬ 
een  to  twenty-four,  the  1  academy/  or  university,  to¬ 
gether  with  travel,  should  be  the  means  of  education. 
As  to  the  distribution  and  scope  of  these  institutions, 
Comenius  declares :  — 


“ A  mother  school  should  exist  in  every  house,  a  vernacular 
school  in  every  hamlet  and  village,  a  Latin  school  in  every  city, 
and  a  university  in  every  kingdom  or  in  every  province.  The 
mother  school  and  the  vernacular  school  embrace  all  the  young 
of  both  sexes.  The  Latin  school  gives  a  more  thorough  education 
to  those  who  aspire  higher  than  the  workshop ;  while  the  univer¬ 
sity  trains  up  the  teachers  and  learned  men  of  the  future,  that 
our  churches,  schools,  and  states  may  never  lack  suitable  leaders.” 


Hence  only  those  of  the  greatest  ability,  The  flower  of 
mankind/  were  to  go  to  the  university.  “A  public 

1  Chaps.  XXVII-XXXI. 

2  This  was  known  as  Schola  Materni  Gremii  in  the  Latin  version. 


COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC  39 

examination  should  be  held  for  the  students  who  leave 
the  Latin  school,  and  from  its  results  the  masters  may 
decide  which  of  them  should  be  sent  to  the  university  and 
which  should  enter  the  other  occupations  of  life.  Those 
who  are  selected  will  pursue  their  studies,  some  choosing 
theology,  some  politics,  and  some  medicine,  in  accordance 
with  their  natural  inclination,  and  with  the  needs  of  the 
Church  and  of  the  State.” 

Such  an  organization  of  schools  as  that  suggested  by 
Comenius  would  tend  to  bring  about  the  custom  of  edu¬ 
cating  according  to  ability,  rather  than  social  status,  and 
would  thus  enable  any  people  to  secure  the  benefit  of 
all  their  genius.  It  was  a  genuine  ‘ladder’  system  of  A ‘ladder’ 
education,  open  to  all,  and  leading  from  the  kindergarten  education, 
through  the  university,  such  as  has  been  commended  by 
Huxley  in  speaking  of  the  American  schools.  At  the 
day  that  Comenius  proposed  it,  this  organization  was 
some  three  centuries  in  advance  of  the  times.  Such  an 
idea  of  equal  opportunities  for  all  could  have  been  pos¬ 
sible  in  the  seventeenth  century  only  as  the  educational 
outgrowth  of  a  religious  attitude  like  that  of  Comenius, 
and  may  well  have  been  promoted  in  his  case  by  the 
simple,  democratic  spirit  of  the  little  band  of  Christians 
whose  leader  he  was.1 

1  In  the  old  cemeteries  of  the  Moravian  communities  of  the  United 
States,  the  departed  lie  side  by  side  without  distinction  in  regard  to 
position,  wealth,  or  color.  The  tombstones  are  laid  flat  upon  the  graves, 


40  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


A  coopera¬ 
tive  college  of 
investigation 
known  as  a 
‘  Schola 
Scholarum.’ 


This  pan- 
sophic  college 
was  to  form  a 
logical  climax 
to  the  system 
of  schools. 


The  Pansophic  College  and  the  Encyclopedic  Courses 

of  Study 

But  beyond  the  university,  which,  like  the  lower  schools, 
was  to  make  teaching  its  chief  function,  Comenius  held 
it  to  be  important  that  somewhere  in  the  world  there 
should  be  a  Schola  Scholarum  or  Collegium  Didactic-urn , 
which  should  be  devoted  to  scientific  investigation. 
Through  this  pansophic  college,  learned  men  from  all 
nations  might  cooperate,  and,  he  holds,  — 

“These  men  should  .  .  .  spread  the  light  of  wisdom  through¬ 
out  the  human  race  with  greater  success  than  has  hitherto  been 
attained,  and  benefit  humanity  by  new  and  useful  inventions. 
For  this  no  single  man  and  no  single  generation  is  sufficient,  and 
it  is  therefore  essential  that  the  work  be  carried  on  by  many,  work¬ 
ing  together  and  employing  the  researches  of  their  predecessors  as 
a  starting-point.” 

This  plan  of  a  ‘ Universal  College’  for  research  would 
seem  to  be  a  natural  product  of  the  pansophic  ideal,  which 
has  been  seen  1  to  dominate  all  of  the  educational  theory 
of  Comenius.  Such  an  institution  would  form  a  logical 
climax  to  his  system  of  schools,  bearing,  as  he  says,  the 
same  relation  to  them  that  the  stomach  does  to  the  other 
members  of  the  body  by  “supplying  blood,  life,  and 

and  are  exactly  alike,  except  for  size,  so  that  none  in  this  Christian  family 
may  appear  more  prominent  than  the  other.  A  similar  interpretation 
of  the  Master’s  ‘brotherhood  of  man’  is  evidenced  in  all  the  Moravian 
social  life.  1  See  pp.  35  f. 


COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC  41 


strength  to  all,”  for  he  holds  that  a  training  in  all  sub¬ 
jects  should  be  given  at  every  stage  of  education.  Such 
universal  knowledge,  however,  Comenius  believes,  should 
be  given  only  in  outline  at  first,  and  then  more  and 
more  elaborately  and  thoroughly  as  education  proceeds. 
The  Didactica ,  accordingly,  states :  — 

“  These  different  schools  are  not  to  deal  with  different  sub¬ 
jects,  but  should  treat  the  same  subjects  in  different  ways,  giving 
instruction  in  all  that  can  produce  true  men,  true  Christians, 
and  true  scholars;  throughout  graduating  the  instruction  to  the 
age  of  the  pupil  and  the  knowledge  that  he  already  possesses.  .  .  . 
In  the  earlier  schools  everything  is  taught  in  a  general  and  un¬ 
defined  manner,  while  in  those  that  follow  the  information  is  par¬ 
ticularized  and  exact;  just  as  a  tree  puts  forth  more  branches 
and  shoots  each  successive  year,  and  grows  stronger  and  more 
fruitful.”  1 

In  later  chapters  of  the  Didactica  and  in  his  works  for 
the  special  stages,  Comenius  gives  the  details  of  the  pan- 
sophic  training  in  each  period  of  education.  Even  in  the 
mother  school,  it  is  expected  that  the  infant  shall  be 
taught  geography,  history,  and  various  sciences;  gram¬ 
mar,  rhetoric,  and  dialectic;  music,  arithmetic,  geom¬ 
etry,  and  astronomy;  and  the  rudiments  of  economics, 
politics,  ethics,  metaphysics,  and  religion;  as  well  as 
encouraged  in  sports  and  the  construction  of  buildings. 
The  attainment  at  this  stage  is,  of  course,  not  expected 

1  Chap.  XXVII,  4-5.  This  is  practically  the  modern  German 
method  of  teaching,  known  as  that  of  ‘concentric  circles.’ 


Even  the 
course  in  the 
mother 
school  is  to  be 
pansophic. 


42  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


So  the  ver¬ 
nacular  school 
is  to  afford 
instruction  in 
all  subjects, 
in  case  the 
pupil  can  go 
no  further. 


The  Latin 
school  offers 
four  lan¬ 
guages,  but 
continues 
this  encyclo¬ 
paedic  train¬ 
ing. 


/ 


to  be  as  formidable  as  the  names  of  the  subjects  sound. 
It  is  to  consist  merely  in  understanding  simple  causal, 
temporal,  spatial,  and  numerical  relations;  in  distin¬ 
guishing  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  hills,  valleys,  lakes,  and 
rivers,  and  animals  and  plants;  in  learning  to  express 
oneself,  and  in  acquiring  proper  habits.  It  is,  in  fact, 
very  much  like  the  training  of  the  modern  kindergarten. 

Similarly,  the  vernacular  school  is  to  afford  more 
advanced  instruction  in  all  literature,  morals,  and  reli¬ 
gion  that  will  be  of  value  throughout  life,  in  case  the  pupil 
can  go  no  further.  The  course  is  to  include,  beside  the 
elements,  morals,  religion,  and  music,  everyday  civil 
government  and  economics,  history  and  geography, 
with  especial  reference  to  the  pupil’s  own  country,  and 
a  general  knowledge  of  the  mechanic  arts.  All  these 
studies  are  to  be  given  in  the  native  tongue,  since  it  would 
take  too  long  to  acquire  the  Latin,  and  those  who  are 
to  go  on  will  learn  Latin  more  readily  for  having  a  wide 
knowledge  of  things  to  which  they  have  simply  to  apply 
new  names  instead  of  those  of  the  vernacular. 

The  Latin  school,  while  including  four  languages,  — 
the  vernacular,  Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew,  is  also  to 
continue  this  encyclopaedic  training.  The  seven  liberal 
arts  are  to  be  taught  in  more  formal  fashion,  and  consider¬ 
able  work  is  to  be  given  in  physics,  geography,  chronology, 
history,  ethics,  and  theology.  In  his  description  of  the 
pansophic  school  that  he  undertook  to  establish  at  Patak, 


COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC 


43 


Comenius  gives  an  even  more  specific  account  of  the  range 
of  knowledge  that  should  be  gained  in  secondary  education. 
He  maps  out  seven  classes,  of  which  the  first  three  are 
to  be  called  ‘philological/  and  the  other  four  to  be  known 
as  ‘philosophical/  ‘logical/  ‘political/  and  ‘theological/ 
respectively.  In  the  philological  grades,  he  indicates 
that  Latin  is  to  be  taught ;  arithmetic,  plane  and  solid 
geometry,  and  music  are  to  be  gradually  acquired;  and 
instruction  is  to  be  afforded  in  morality,  the  catechism, 
the  Scriptures,  and  psalms,  hymns,  and  prayers.  So  he 
gives  exactly  the  amount  of  training  in  mathematics, 
the  arts  and  sciences,  and  religion  that  is  to  appear  in 
the  next  three  classes,  and  arranges  that  Greek  shall  be 
studied  and  Hebrew  begun.  In  the  last  class,  the  wide 
range  of  secular  knowledge  is  to  be  continued,  and  such 
theological  matters  as  the  relation  of  souls  to  God  are  to 
be  discussed. 

Finally,  in  the  case  of  the  university,  Comenius  main¬ 
tains  that  “the  curriculum  should  be  really  universal, 
and  provision  should  be  made  for  the  study  of  every 
branch  of  human  knowledge/’  but  “each  student  should 
devote  his  undivided  energies  to  that  subject  for  which 
he  is  evidently  suited  by  nature,”  —  theology,  medicine, 
law,  music,  poetry,  or  oratory.  However,  “those  of 
quite  exceptional  talent  should  be  urged  to  pursue  all 
the  branches  of  study,  that  there  may  always  be  some 
men  whose  knowledge  is  encyclopaedic.” 


In  the  uni¬ 
versity  each 
student 
should  de¬ 
vote  himself 
to  a  specialty, 
but  a  few 
should  pur¬ 
sue  all 
branches. 


44  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


One  should 
follow  the 
‘method  of 
nature/ 
which  accom¬ 
plishes  all 
things  “with 
certainty, 
ease,  and 
thorough¬ 
ness.” 


The  analogy 
of  the  bird. 


The  Method  of  Nature 

Thus  at  every  stage  of  education  Comenius  believes 
that  there  should  be  pansophic  instruction.  The  way  in 
which  this  knowledge  is  to  be  acquired,  he  intends  also 
to  have  in  full  accord  with  sense  realism.  He  insists  that, 
in  order  to  reform  the  schools  of  the  day,  which  were 
uninteresting,  wasteful  of  time,  and  cruel,  the  ‘  method 
of  nature’  must  be  observed  and  followed,  for  “if  we  wish 
to  find  a  remedy  for  the  defects  of  Nature,  it  is  in  Nature 
herself  that  we  must  look  for  it,  since  it  is  certain  that 
art  can  do  nothing  unless  it  imitate  Nature.”  He  then 
shows  how  Nature  accomplishes  all  things  “with  cer¬ 
tainty,  ease,  and  thoroughness,”  1  in  what  respects  the 
schools  have  deviated  from  the  principles  of  nature,  and 
how  they  can  be  rectified  only  by  following  her  plans. 

These  principles  concerning  the  working  of  nature  were, 
however,  not  established  inductively  by  Comenius,  but 
laid  down  a  priori ,  and  were  mostly  superficial  and  fanci¬ 
ful  analogies.  The  following  quotation  from  the  First 
Principle  that  he  gives  under  the  ‘certainty’  of  nature, 
may  serve  as  a  specimen  of  his  method:  — 

u  Nature  observes  a  suitable  time.  For  example,  a  bird  that 
wishes  to  multiply  its  species,  does  not  set  about  it  in  winter, 
when  everything  is  stiff  with  cold,  nor  in  summer,  when  every¬ 
thing  is  parched  and  withered  with  heat;  nor  yet  in  autumn, 
when  the  vital  force  of  all  creatures  declines  with  the  sun’s  declin- 


1 1.e.  certo,  facile,  solide.  See  Didactica,  Chap.  XIV-XVIII. 


COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC  45 


ing  rays,  and  a  new  winter  with  hostile  mien  is  approaching; 
but  in  spring,  when  the  sun  brings  back  life  and  strength  to  all.” 

The  schools  deviate  from  this  method  of  nature,  he 
claims  in  the  first  place,  because  “the  right  time  for  men¬ 
tal  exercise  is  not  chosen,”  and  to  rectify  the  error,  — 

“  (I)  The  education  of  men  should  be  commenced  in  the  spring¬ 
time  of  life,  that  is  to  say,  in  boyhood  (for  boyhood  is  the  equiva¬ 
lent  of  spring,  youth  of  summer,  manhood  of  autumn,  and  old 
age  of  winter).  (II)  The  morning  hours  are  the  most  suitable 
for  study,  for  here  again  the  morning  is  the  equivalent  of  spring, 
midday  of  summer,  the  evening  of  autumn,  and  the  night  of 
winter.” 

It  is  not  remarkable  that,  with  all  his  realistic  tend¬ 
encies,  Comenius  did  not  employ  the  inductive  method 
to  any  extent.  He  had  inherited  the  notion  that  not  ail 
truth  can  be  secured  through  the  senses  or  by  reason. 
He  claimed  that  even  Bacon’s  method  could  not  be  ap¬ 
plied  to  the  entire  universe,  all  of  which  is  included  in 
his  pansophia.  There  are,  he  held,  three  media  for 
knowledge,  —  the  senses,  the  intellect,  and  revelation, 
and  “  error  will  cease  if  the  balance  between  them  is 
preserved.”  The  natural  sciences  were  young  in  the 
day  of  Comenius,  and  he  was  very  limited  in  his  grasp 
of  their  content  and  method.  It  is  a  sufficient  merit 
that,  imbibing  the  spirit  of  sense  realism,  he  had  for 
the  first  time  in  history  applied  anything  like  induction 
to  teaching,  and  produced  the  most  systematic  and 


The  induc¬ 
tive  method 
was  not  em¬ 
ployed  to  any 
extent. 


46  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


How  the 
principles  for 
following  na¬ 
ture  may  be 
made  effec¬ 
tive;  the 
application 
of  the  general 
method  to 
the  sciences, 
arts,  lan¬ 
guages,  mo¬ 
rality,  and 
piety. 


Impression 
must  be  in¬ 
sured  by  ex¬ 
pression. 


thorough  work  upon  educational  method  that  had  been 
known. 

After  working  out  in  the  Didactica  these  general  prin¬ 
ciples  for  following  nature,  Comenius  renders  his  work 
much  more  practical  by  showing  how  such  principles 
may  be  made  effective  in  the  ordinary  schools.  He 
then  applies  his  general  method  to  the  specific  teaching 
of  various  branches  of  knowledge,  —  sciences,  arts  (in¬ 
cluding  reading,  writing,  singing,  composition,  and 
logic),  and  languages,  and  to  instruction  in  morality  and 
piety.  On  this  practical  side  of  his  method,  he  applies 
more  fully  the  induction  of  Bacon.  After  showing  the 
necessity  for  careful  observation  in  obtaining  a  knowledge 
of  the  sciences,  he  gives  nine  useful  precepts  for  their 
study,  and  while  they  are  stated  as  general  principles, 
they  are  clearly  the  inductive  result  of  his  own  experience 
as  a  teacher.  Similarly  he  formulates  rules  for  instruc¬ 
tion  in  the  arts,  languages,  morality,  and  piety.  The 
description  of  special  method  in  sciences,  too,  is  thor¬ 
oughly  in  harmony  with  realism  in  its  insistence  that, 
in  order  to  make  a  genuine  impression  upon  the  mind, 
one  must  deal  with  realities  rather  than  books.  The 
objects  themselves,  or,  where  this  is  not  possible,  such 
representations  of  them  as  can  be  conveyed  by  copies, 
models,  and  pictures,  must  be  studied.  In  the  case  of 
the  languages,  arts,  morality,  and  piety,  impression  must 
be  insured  by  expression.  “What  has  to  be  done,  must 


COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC  47 


be  learned  by  doing.”  Reading,  writing,  and  singing 
are  to  be  acquired  by  practice.  The  use  of  foreign  lan¬ 
guages  affords  a  better  means  of  learning  them  than  do 
the  rules  of  grammar.  Practice,  good  example,  and 
sympathetic  guidance  teach  us  virtue  better  than  do 

precepts.  Piety  is  instilled  by  meditation,  prayer, 

» 

and  self-examination. 

As  would  be  expected  from  the  threefold  interrelated 
aim  and  the  encyclopaedic  content  of  education,  Come- 
nius  everywhere  in  his  method  intends  that  all  subjects 
shall  be  correlated.  In  particular,  he  holds :  — 

“The  study  of  languages,  especially  in  youth,  should  be  joined 
to  that  of  objects,  that  our  acquaintance  with  the  objective  world 
and  with  language,  that  is  to  say,  our  knowledge  of  facts  and  our 
power  to  express  them,  may  progress  side  by  side.”  1 

In  the  matter  of  discipline,  as  a  natural  accompani¬ 
ment  of  his  improvements  in  method,  Comenius  was 
in  advance  of  his  time.  He  holds  that  the  end  of  dis¬ 
cipline  is  to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  the  fault,  and  it 
must  be  inflicted  in  such  a  way  that  the  pupil  will  recog¬ 
nize  that  it  is  for  his  own  good.  Severe  punishment 
must  not  be  administered  for  a  failure  in  studies,  but 
only  for  a  moral  breach,  and  exhortation  and  reproof 
are  to  be  used  before  resorting  to  more  stringent  meas¬ 
ures. 

1  This  principle,  it  has  been  seen  (pp.  28  ff.),  Comenius  carried  out  in 
his  series  of  Latin  textbooks. 


The  study  of 
languages  to 
be  correlated 
with  that  of 
objects. 


Discipline 
should  be  ad¬ 
ministered 
only  for  a 
moral  breach. 


48  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


To  sense  real¬ 
ism  Come- 
nius  added 
the  endow¬ 
ment  of 
piety. 


Education 
should  be  in 
harmony 
with  one’s 
nature,  and 
should  be 
universal. 


Physical  edu¬ 
cation  and 
sense  training 
should  be 
part  of  the 
course. 


All  subjects 
should  be 
correlated. 


The  Influence  of  Comenius  upon  Education 

Such  was  the  work  of  Comenius,  who  may  in  the  fullest 
sense  be  considered  a  great  educational  reformer  and 
the  real  progenitor  of  modern  education.  His  position 
grew  out  of  sense  realism,  but  to  the  encyclopaedic  con¬ 
tent  and  the  natural  method  of  Bacon,  Ratich,  and 
others,  which  he  rendered  more  elaborate,  consistent, 
and  rational,  he  added  his  natural  endowment  of  innate 
piety  and  a  sense  of  the  1  brotherhood  of  man.5  Come¬ 
nius  made  it  evident  that  education  should  be  a  natural, 
not  an  artificial  and  traditional,  process  in  harmony 
with  man’s  very  constitution  and  destiny,  and  that  a 
well-rounded  training  for  complete  living  should  be  every¬ 
where  afforded  to  all,  without  regard  to  sex,  social  posi¬ 
tion,  or  wealth,  because  of  their  very  humanity.  He 
outlined  a  regular  system  of  schools  and  described  their 
grading,  and  was  the  first  to  suggest  a  training  for  very 
young  children.  He  held  that  bodily  vigor  and  physi¬ 
cal  education  were  essential,  and  made  sense  training 
an  important  part  of  the  course.  He  further  broadened 
and  enriched  the  entire  curriculum  by  subordinating 
Latin  to  the  vernacular,  and  insisting  upon  geography, 
history,  the  elements  of  all  arts  and  sciences,  and  such 
other  studies  as  would  fit  one  for  the  activities  of  life. 
He  correlated  and  coordinated  all  subjects,  and  com¬ 
bined  even  the  training  in  Latin  with  a  knowledge  of 


COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC  49 


real  things.  This  he  accomplished  through  a  series  of 
textbooks  that  were  a  great  advance  over  anything  pre¬ 
viously  produced.  Thus  he  greatly  contributed  to  make 
education  more  effective,  interesting,  pleasant,  and 
natural. 


However,  for  nearly  two  centuries  Comenius  had  but 
little  direct  effect  upon  the  schools,  except  for  his  lan¬ 
guage  methods  and  his  texts.  The  Janua  was  trans¬ 
lated  into  a  dozen  European,  and  at  least  three  Asiatic, 
languages ;  the  Orbis  Pictus  proved  even  more  popular, 
and  went  through  an  almost  unlimited  number  of  edi¬ 
tions  in  various  tongues;  and  the  whole  series  became 
for  many  generations  the  favorite  means  of  introducing 
young  people  to  the  study  of  Latin.  But  until  about 
half  a  century  ago,  the  work  of  Comenius  as  a  whole  had 
purely  an  historical  interest,  and  was  known  almost 
solely  through  the  Orbis  P ictus.  The  great  reformer  was 
viewed  as  a  fanatic,  especially  as  the  pansophic  ideal 
turned  out  to  be  of  only  ephemeral  interest.  Human¬ 
ism  was  too  thoroughly  intrenched  to  give  way  at  once 
to  realism. 


Comenius 
had  little  in¬ 
fluence  upon 
schools,  ex¬ 
cept  through 
his  language 
texts, 


Nevertheless,  the  principles  of  Comenius  were  uncon¬ 
sciously  taken  up  by  others  and  have  become  the  basis  of 
modern  education.  Francke  was  anticipated  by  Come¬ 
nius  in  suggesting  a  curriculum  that  would  fit  one  for 
life ;  before  Rousseau,  Comenius  intimated  that  the 
school  system  should  be  adapted  to  the  child  rather  than 


but  his  prin¬ 
ciples  have 
become  the 
basis 

of  modern 
education, 
and  have  in¬ 
fluenced 
Francke, 
Rousseau, 


E 


50  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Basedow, 
Pestalozzi, 
Herbart,  and 
Froebel. 


the  child  to  the  system;  Basedow  largely  modeled  his 
encyclopaedic  content  and  natural  method  after  the 
Orbis  P ictus;  Pestalozzi  revived  the  universal  education, 
love  of  the  child,  and  object  teaching  that  appear  in  the 
works  of  the  old  bishop ;  Herbart’s  emphasis  upon  char¬ 
acter  and  upon  scientific  method  and  curriculum  seem 
like  an  echo  of  Comenius ;  while  the  kindergarten, 
‘  self-activity/  and  play,  suggested  by  Froebel,  had  been 
previously  outlined  by  the  Moravian.  Hence  it  hap¬ 
pened  that  in  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century,  when 
the  works  of  Comenius  were  once  more  brought  to  light 
by  German  investigators,  it  was  discovered  that  the  old 
realist  of  the  seventeenth  century  had  been  the  first  to 
deal  with  education  in  a  scientific  spirit,  and  work  out 
its  problems  practically  in  the  schools.  His  evidently 
was  the  clearest  of  visions  and  broadest  of  intellects. 
While  it  is  easy  to  criticize  him  now,  in  the  light  of  history 
Comenius  is  a  most  important  individual  in  the  develop¬ 
ment  of  modern  education. 


COMENIUS  AND  HIS  GREAT  DIDACTIC 


SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  Sources 

*Comenius,  J.  A.  Great  Didactic  (translated  by  M.  W.  Keatinge), 
Orbis  P ictus  (reprint  of  C.  W.  Bardeen),  and  School  of  Infancy 
(translated  by  W.  S.  Monroe). 

II.  Authorities 

Adamson,  J.  W.  Pioneers  of  Modern  Education.  Chaps.  III-V. 

Barnard,  H.  American  Journal  of  Education.  Vol.  V,  pp.  257- 
298. 

Barnard,  H.  German  Teachers  and  Educators.  Pp-  347-388. 

Browning,  O.  Educational  Theories.  Chap.  IV. 

*Butler,  N.  M.  The  Place  of  Comenius  in  the  History  of  Educa¬ 
tion. 

Compayre,  G.  History  of  Pedagogy.  Pp.  12 2-13 7. 

Davidson,  T.  History  of  Education.  Pp.  193-197. 

*Hanus,  P.  H.  The  Permanent  Influence  of  Comenius.  ( Educa¬ 
tional  Aims  and  Values ,  VIII.) 

Laurie,  S.  S.  Educational  Opinion  since  the  Renaissance .  Chap. 
II. 

*Laurie,  S.  S.  John  Amos  Comenius. 

*Monroe,  W.  S.  Comenius  and  the  Beginnings  of  Educational 
Reform. 

Munroe,  J.  P.  The  Educational  Ideal.  Chap.  IV. 

*Quick,  R.  H.  Educational  Reformers.  Chap.  X. 


CHAPTER  V 


Locke’s  theo¬ 
ries  should  be 
estimated  by 
his  Conduct 
of  the  Under¬ 
standing, 
rather  than 
by  his 
Thoughts 
concerning 
Education. 


In  the 
Thoughts  he 
appears  to  be 
mainly  a 
‘  humanistic 
‘  social  ’ 
realist. 


JOHN  LOCKE  AND  EDUCATION  AS  DISCIPLINE 

The  educational  position  of  John  Locke  (1632-1704) 
is  usually  misinterpreted.  The  general  estimate  of  his 
theory  is  taken  from  his  work  entitled  Some  Thoughts 
concerning  Education.  This  treatise  grew  out  of  his 
experience  as  a  private  tutor  in  the  family  of  the  Earl 
of  Shaftesbury,  and  consists  of  a  set  of  practical  sug¬ 
gestions  for  the  education  of  a  gentleman,  rather 
than  a  scholar.  The  recommendations  contained  in  the 
Thoughts  are  consequently  somewhat  at  variance  with 
the  underlying  principles  of  Locke’s  philosophy,  as  given 
in  Iris  famous  Essay  concerning  the  Human  Understand¬ 
ing,  and  with  the  intellectual  training  suggested  in  his 
other  educational  work,  Conduct  of  the  Understanding , 
which  was  originally  an  additional  book  and  an  applica¬ 
tion  of  the  Essay. 

Locke  as  a  ‘  Humanistic  Social  ’  Realist 

If  the  Thoughts  alone  is  read,  Locke  will  naturally  be 
considered  in  the  main  a  ‘ humanistic social’  realist, 
like  Montaigne,  but  also  as  leaning  somewhat  toward 
the  ‘sense  realism’  of  Comenius.  Like  Montaigne, 

52 


JOHN  LOCKE  AND  EDUCATION  AS  DISCIPLINE  53 


Locke  holds  that  book  education  and  intellectual  training 
are  of  less  importance  than  the  development  of  character 
and  polish.  After  treating  bodily  education  at  consider¬ 
able  length,  he  states  the  aims  of  education  in  the  order 
of  their  value  as  “  Virtue ,  Wisdom  (i.e.  worldly  wis¬ 
dom),  Breeding ,  and  Learning,”  and  later  adds:  — 


“Learning  must  be  had,  but  in  the  second  place,  as  subservient 
only  to  greater  Qualities.  Seek  out  somebody  that  may  know 
how  discreetly  to  frame  his  Manners :  Place  him  in  Hands  where 
you  may,  as  much  as  possible,  secure  his  Innocence,  cherish  and 
nurse  up  the  good,  and  gently  correct  and  weed  out  any  bad 
Inclinations,  and  settle  in  him  good  Habits.  This  is  the  main 
Point,  and  this  provided  for,  Learning  may  be  had  into  the  Bar¬ 
gain.’’ 


Character  is 
made  of  the 
first  impor¬ 
tance  in  edu¬ 
cation. 


Such  a  training,  Locke  agrees  with  Montaigne,  can 
be  secured  only  through  personal  attention,  and  the  young 
gentleman  should  be  given  a  tutor  when  his  father  can¬ 
not  properly  look  after  his  training.  Likewise,  he  feels 
that,  “to  form  a  young  Gentleman  as  he  should  be,  ’tis 
fit  his  Governor  should  himself  be  well-bred,  understand¬ 
ing  the  Ways  of  Carriage  and  Measures  of  Civility  in  all 
the  variety  of  Persons,  Times,  and  Places ;  and  keep  his 
Pupil,  as  much  as  his  Age  requires,  constantly  to  the 
Observation  of  them.”  This  private  training  is  infi¬ 
nitely  to  be  preferred,  Locke  holds,  to  that  “from  such  a 
troop  of  Play-fellows  as  schools  usually  assemble  from 
Parents  of  all  kinds.”  Locke  also  believes,  with  Mon- 


The  proper 
training 
comes 
through  a 
tutor  rather 
than  schools. 


54  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Travel  at  the 
right  time. 


Locke  is  op¬ 
posed  to  the 
narrow  hu¬ 
manism,  but 
thinks  Latin 
necessary  to 
a  gentleman, 
and  that  it 
should  be 
learned  by 
speaking. 


taigne  and  Milton,  in  foreign  travel  as  a  means  of  broad 
education  and  adaptation  to  living.  He  thinks,  however, 
that  it  should  not,  as  it  usually  did,  come  at  the  critical 
period  between  sixteen  and  twenty-one,  but  either  earlier, 
when  the  boy  is  better  able  to  learn  foreign  languages,  or 
later,  when  he  can  intelligently  observe  the  laws  and  cus¬ 
toms  of  other  countries. 

Locke  approaches  the  earlier  realists  even  more  closely 
in  showing  scant  respect  for  the  narrow  humanism  and 
tedious  methods  of  the  grammar  school.  He  declares 
specifically :  — 

“When  I  consider  what  an  ado  is  made  about  a  little  Latin 
and  Greek ,  how  many  Years  are  spent  in  it,  and  what  a  Noise  and 
Business  it  makes  to  no  purpose,  I  can  hardly  forbear  thinking 
that  the  Parents  of  children  still  live  in  Fear  of  the  Schoolmaster’s 
Rod,  which  they  look  on  as  the  only  Instrument  of  Education; 
as  a  language  or  two  to  be  its  whole  Business.” 

Yet  Locke  agrees  with  Montaigne  again  in  thinking 
that  Latin  is,  after  all,  “  absolutely  necessary  to  a  Gentle¬ 
man,  ”  but  that  “’tis  a  Wonder  Parents,  when  they  have 
had  the  Experience  in  French,  should  not  think  (it)  ought 
to  be  learned  the  same  way,  by  talking  and  reading,”  1 
instead  of  through  grammar,  theme  writing,  versifica¬ 
tion,  and  memorizing  long  passages.  Greek,  however, 
Locke  does  not  regard  as  essential  to  a  gentleman’s  edu- 

1  When  conversation  is  impossible,  he  recommends  the  use  of  inter- 
linear  translations. 


JOHN  LOCKE  AND  EDUCATION  AS  DISCIPLINE  55 


cation,  although  he  may  in  manhood  take  it  up  by  him¬ 
self. 

As  a  further  part  of  ‘  intellectual  education/  Locke 
holds  that,  11  besides  what  is  to  be  had  from  Study  and 
Books,  there  are  other  Accomplishments  necessary  for  a 
Gentleman,”  —  dancing,  horseback  riding,  fencing,  and 
wrestling.  The  pupil  should  also,  he  contends,  “ learn 
a  Trade ,  a  manual  Trade;  nay,  two  or  three,  but  one  more 
particularly.”  This  the  future  gentleman  should  ac¬ 
quire,  not  with  the  idea  of  ever  engaging  in  it,  but  for 
the  sake  of  health  and  of  “  easing  the  wearied  Part  by 
Change  of  Business.”  1 

Locke  as  a  4  Sense  Realist ’ 

But  there  are  also  elements  throughout  the  Thoughts 
and  to  some  extent  in  the  Conduct ,  where  Locke  seems  to 
have  been  affected  by  the  concrete  material  and  interest¬ 
ing  methods  of  Comenius,  the  great  4 sense’  realist,  as 
clearly  as  he  was  elsewhere  by  the  earlier  realism  of  Mon¬ 
taigne.  Even  in  the  subjects  he  recommends  for  the 
education  of  a  gentleman,  where  he  was  especially  follow¬ 
ing  Montaigne,  Locke  makes  a  selection,  utilitarian  in 
nature  and  wide  in  range,  that  reminds  one  of  the  ency¬ 
clopaedic  advice  of  Bacon,  Ratich,  and  Comenius.  He 

1  Rousseau,  however,  when  he  borrowed  the  suggestion,  put  it  upon  the 
economic  ground  that  if  the  pupil  lost  his  fortune,  he  would  have  the  trade 
to  fall  back  upon. 


Dancing, 
horseback 
riding,  fenc¬ 
ing,  wres¬ 
tling,  and  a 
trade. 


But  Locke 
was  also  in¬ 
fluenced  by 
‘  sense  real¬ 
ism  ’  to  the 
extent  of  in¬ 
troducing  a 
utilitarian 
and  encyclo¬ 
paedic  curricu¬ 
lum,  and  in 
beginning 
with  the 
vernacular 
studies  and 
the  languages 
of  one’s  near¬ 
est  neighbors, 


56  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


also  resembles  the  sense  realists  in  desiring  to  begin  with 
the  vernacular  studies,  which  with  him  are  reading, 
writing,  drawing,  and  possibly  shorthand.  And  when 
the  pupil  is  able  to  take  up  a  foreign  language,  Locke 
believes,  with  Comenius,  that  this  should  not  be  Latin, 
but  the  language  of  his  nearest  neighbor,  —  in  the  case  of 
the  English  boy,  French.  After  the  neighboring  lan¬ 
guage  has  been  learned,  Latin  may  be  studied.  Like  the 
Moravian,  too,  Locke  believes  in  correlating  content 
studies  with  the  study  of  languages.  He  suggests :  — 


“At  the  same  time  that  he  is  learning  French  and  Latin ,  a 
Child,  as  has  been  said,  may  also  be  enter’d  in  Arithmetick ,  Geog¬ 
raphy,  Chronology,  History,  and  Geometry,  too.  For  if  these  be 
taught  him  in  French  or  Latin,  when  he  begins  once  to  understand 
either  of  these  tongues,  he  will  get  a  Knowledge  in  these  sciences, 
and  the  Languages  to  boot.” 


and  in  his 
pleasant 
methods  of 
teaching. 


He  also  holds 
that  impres¬ 
sions  are 


In  the  matter  of  method  also,  Locke  reminds  one  of 
Comenius  and  the  other  sense  realists.  He  believes  that 
“  contrivances  might  be  made  to  teach  Children  to  ready 
whilst  they  thought  they  were  only  playing,”  and  makes 
the  suggestion  of  pasting  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  upon 
the  sides  of  the  dice.  And  further,  —  “when  by  these 
gentle  Ways  he  begins  to  read,  some  easy  pleasant  Book, 
suited  to  his  Capacity,  should  be  put  into  his  Hands, 
wherein  the  entertainment  he  finds  might  draw  him  on.” 

Moreover,  Locke  is  most  thoroughly  a  sense  realist  in 
his  theory  of  knowledge  and  the  pedagogical  recommenda- 


JOHN  LOCKE  AND  EDUCATION  AS  DISCIPLINE  57 


tions  that  grow  out  of  it.  He  holds  that  impressions  made  through 
are  made  through  the  senses  by  observation,  and  are  observation, 
only  combined  afterward  by  reflection.1  The  develop¬ 
ment,  therefore,  of  such  knowledge  to  the  most  complex 
ideas  comes  through  induction,  and  in  this  way  the 
sciences  should  be  studied.  In  the  Conduct ,2  he 
states :  — 

“The  surest  way  for  a  learner,  in  this  as  in  all  other  cases,  is 
not  to  advance  by  jumps,  and  large  strides;  let  that  which  he 
sets  himself  to  learn  next  be  indeed  the  next ;  i.e.,  as  nearly  con¬ 
joined  with  what  he  knows  already  as  it  is  possible;  let  it  be 
distinct,  but  not  remote  from  it ;  let  it  be  new  and  what  he  did 
not  know  before,  that  understanding  may  advance ;  but  let  it  be 
as  little  at  once  as  may  be,  that  its  advances  may  be  clear  and 
sure.” 


It  is  not  surprising  that,  with  such  pleasant  methods, 
Locke,  like  the  realists  generally,  declares  in  his  Thoughts 
that  “  great  Seventy  of  Punishment  does  but  very  little 
Good,  nay,  great  Harm  in  Education.”  3  He  prefers 


Discipline 
should  be 
mild,  and  not 
for  intellec¬ 
tual  remiss¬ 
ness. 


“ Esteem  or  Disgrace  ”  as  the  proper  means  of  discipline, 
and  maintains,  as  Comenius  did,  that  corporal  punish¬ 


ment  should  be  for  moral  rather  than  intellectual  re¬ 


missness. 


1  This,  of  course,  is  brought  out  more  clearly  in  his  philosophical  work, 
Essay  concerning  the  Human  Understanding. 

2  §  XXXIX. 

3  His  ideas  in  the  Conduct  would  point  to  quite  a  different  type  of 
method  and  discipline. 


( 


58  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Locke’s  real 
position, 
however,  is 
found  in  the 
mental  train¬ 
ing  of  the 
Conduct,  and 
is  a  reflection 
of  his  philoso¬ 
phy,  as 
given  in  the 
Essay. 


Locke  as  the  Advocate  of  1  Formal  Discipline  ’ 

Locke,  however,  cannot  be  judged  to  be  primarily  a 
realist  of  either  the  ‘  humanistic ’  or  the  ‘sense’  type. 
His  real  attitude  in  education  must  be  taken  chiefly  from 
the  Conduct,  and  read  in  the  light  of  his  rationalistic 
philosophy,  which,  in  turn,  is  directly  connected  with 
his  view-point  in  religion  and  politics.  While  Locke’s 
ancestry  was  Puritan,  this  seems  to  have  had  little  in¬ 
fluence  upon  his  life  and  philosophy,  except  as  he  was 
ever  the  advocate  of  civil,  religious,  and  philosophic 
freedom.  This  tendency  was  increased  by  his  close  per¬ 
sonal  relations  with  the  noted  liberal,  Lord  Shaftesbury. 
In  accordance  with  his  convictions,  Locke  wrote  two 
Treatises  on  Government,  three  Letters  on  Toleration,  and 
an  essay  upon  the  Reasonableness  of  Christianity.  Each 
of  these  works  vigorously  opposed  absolutism  and  dog¬ 
matism,  but  they  are  all  simply  applications  of  the 
thought  underlying  his  great  Essay  concerning  the  Human 
Understanding.  In  this  treatise,  which  was  the  product 
of  his  reflection  during  a  score  of  years,  he  holds,  as  in  the 
more  special  works,  to  the  fruitlessness  of  traditional 
opinions  and  empty  phraseology.  He  rejects  all  ‘innate 
ideas,’  or  axiomatic  principles,  and  charges  that  this 
tenet  was  imposed  by  masters  and  teachers  upon  their 
followers,  “to  take  them  off  their  own  reason  and  judg¬ 
ment,  and  put  them  on  believing  and  taking  them  upon 


JOHN  LOCKE  AND  EDUCATION  AS  DISCIPLINE  59 


trust  without  further  examination. ”  All  knowledge, 
claims  the  Essay ,  comes  rather  from  experience,  and  the 
mind  is  like  “white  paper,  or  wax,  to  be  molded  and 
fashioned  as  one  pleases.”  1  On  it  ideas  are  painted  by 
‘sensation’  and  ‘reflection.’  Locke  further  finds  it 
necessary  to  determine,  when  the  ideas  are  once  in  mind, 
what  they  tell  us  in  the  way  of  truth.  He  holds  that 
“knowledge  is  real  only  so  far  as  there  is  a  conformity 
between  our  ideas  and  the  realities  of  things,”  and  that, 
as  we  cannot  always  be  sure  of  this  correspondence, 
much  of  our  knowledge  is  probable  and  not  certain.  We 
must,  therefore,  in  each  case  carefully  consider  the  grounds 
of  probability,  —  “the  conformity  of  anything  with  our 
own  knowledge,  observation,  and  the  testimony  of 
others.” 

To  train  the  mind  to  make  the  proper  discriminations 
in  these  matters,  Locke  claims  that  a  formal  discipline 
must  be  furnished  by  education.  This  attitude  is  made 
clear  in  his  posthumous  educational  work,  Conduct  of  the 
Understanding.  As  regards  the  aim  of  intellectual  edu¬ 
cation,  he  holds  in  his  work :  — 


He  holds  in 
his  Conduct 
that  the 
mind,  like  the 
body,  grows 
through  exer¬ 
cise. 


“As  it  is  in  the  body,  so  it  is  in  the  mind;  practice  makes  it 
what  it  is,  and  most  even  of  those  excellences  which  are  looked  on 
as  natural  endowments  will  be  found,  when  examined  into  more 
narrowly,  to  be  the  product  of  exercise,  and  to  be  raised  to  that 
pitch  only  by  repeated  actions.  Few  men  are  from  their  youth 


1  This  is  his  famous  doctrine  of  the  tabula  rasa. 


6o  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


and  that  the 
best  gymnas¬ 
tics  for  rea¬ 
soning  is 
found  in 
mathematics. 


He  also  ad¬ 
vises  a  range 
of  sciences  to 
dispose  the 
mind  so  as  to 
be  capable 
of  any  sci¬ 
ence. 


accustomed  to  strict  reasoning,  and  to  trace  the  dependence  of 
any  truth  in  a  long  train  of  consequences  to  its  remote  principles 
and  to  observe  its  connection;  and  he  that  by  frequent  practice 
has  not  been  used  to  this  employment  of  his  understanding,  it  is 
no  more  wonder  that  he  should  not,  when  he  is  grown  into  years, 
be  able  to  bring  his  mind  to  it,  than  that  he  should  not  be  able 
on  a  sudden  to  grave  and  design,  dance  on  the  ropes,  or  write  a 
good  hand,  who  has  never  practiced  either  of  them.” 

Concerning  the  best  studies  for  producing  this  mental 
gymnastic,  Locke  says :  — 

“Would  you  have  a  man  reason  well,  you  must  use  him  to  it 
betimes,  exercise  his  mind  in  observing  the  connection  of  ideas 
and  following  them  in  train.  Nothing  does  this  better  than 
mathematics,  which  therefore  I  think  should  be  taught  all  those 
who  have  the  time  and  opportunity,  not  so  much  to  make  them 
mathematicians  as  to  make  them  reasonable  creatures  .  .  .,  that 
having  got  the  way  of  reasoning,  which  that  study  necessarily 
brings  the  mind  to,  they  might  be  able  to  transfer  it  to  other 
parts  of  knowledge  as  they  shall  have  occasion.” 

So  Locke  advises  a  wide  range  of  sciences,  not  for  the 
sake  of  the  realistic  knowledge  obtained,  but  for  intel¬ 
lectual  discipline,  “to  accustom  our  minds  to  all  sorts  of 
ideas  and  the  proper  ways  of  examining  their  habitudes 
and  relations;  .  .  .  not  to  make  them  perfect  in  any 
one  of  the  sciences,  but  so  to  open  and  dispose  their 
minds  as  may  best  make  them  capable  of  any,  when  they 
shall  apply  themselves  to  it.”  Similarly,  he  implies  that 
reading  may  become  a  means  of  discrimination.  “Those 


JOHN  LOCKE  AND  EDUCATION  AS  DISCIPLINE  61 


who  have  got  this  faculty,  one  may  say,  have  got  the  true 
key  of  books,  and  the  clue  to  lead  them  through  the  mize- 
maze  of  variety  of  opinions  and  authors  to  truth  and 
certainty.” 


The  same  disciplinary  conception  of  the  aim  of  educa¬ 
tion  underlies  most  of  Locke’s  recommendations  on  moral 
and  physical  training  in  the  Thoughts.  When  in  this 
work  he  comes  to  treat  moral  education,  he  declares  at 
the  start :  — 


Similarly,  in 
the  Thoughts 
he  declares 
moral  train¬ 
ing  to  be 
obtained  by 
denying 
one’s  desires. 


“As  the  strength  of  the  Body  lies  chiefly  in  being  able  to  en¬ 
dure  Hardships,  so  also  does  that  of  the  Mind.  And  the  great 
Principle  and  Foundation  of  all  Virtue  and  Worth  is  plac’d  in 
this:  That  a  Man  is  able  to  deny  himself  his  own  Desires,  cross 
his  own  Inclinations,  and  purely  follow  what  Reason  directs  as 
Best,  tho’  the  Appetite  lean  the  other  Way.  .  .  .  This  Power  is 
to  be  got  and  improv’d  by  Custom,  made  easy  and  familiar  by  an 
early  Practice.  If,  therefore,  I  might  be  heard,  I  would  advise 
that,  contrary  to  the  ordinary  Way,  Children  should  be  us’d  to 
submit  their  Desires,  and  go  without  their  Longings,  even  from 
their  very  Cradles.  The  first  Thing  they  should  learn  to  know, 
should  be  that  they  were  not  to  have  any  Thing  because  it  pleased 
them,  but  because  it  was  thought  fit  for  them.” 

Hence,  in  Locke’s  opinion,  morality  comes  about 
through  submitting  the  natural  desires  to  the  control  of 
reason,  and  thereby  forming  virtuous  habits.  In  this 
light  he  discusses  various  virtues  and  vices  as  they 
occur  to  him,  and  insists  that,  in  order  that  the  proper 
habits  may  be  ingrained  in  them,  children  should 


62  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


and  physical 
training  by 
the  ‘harden¬ 
ing  process.’ 


Hence 
Locke’s  real 
educational 


recognize  the  absolute  authority  of  their  fathers  and 
tutors.1 

The  ideal  upon  which  Locke  bases  his  physical  train¬ 
ing  is  even  more  fully  that  of  formal  discipline,  and  has 
since  been  generally  known  as  the  ‘hardening  process.7 
His  advice  concerning  this  part  of  a  pupil’s  training 
might  be  abridged  as  follows :  — 

“Most  Children’s  Constitutions  are  either  spoil’d  or  at  least 
harm’d  by  Cockering  and  Tenderness.  The  first  Thing  to  be  taken 
Care  of  is  that  Children  be  not  too  warmly  clad  or  cover’d ,  Winter 
or  Summer.  The  Face  when  we  are  born,  is  no  less  tender  than 
any  other  Part  of  the  Body.  ’Tis  Use  alone  hardens  it,  and 
makes  it  more  able  to  endure  the  Cold.  I  will  also  advise  his 
( i .  e.  the  child’s)  Feet  to  be  wash’d  every  Day  in  cold  Water,  and 
to  have  his  Shoes  so  thin  that  they  might  leak  and  let  in  Water, 
whenever  he  comes  near  it.  I  should  advise  him  to  play  in  the 
Wind  and  Sun  without  a  Hat.  His  Diet  ought  to  be  very  plain 
and  simple,  —  if  he  must  needs  have  Flesh,  let  it  be  but  once  a 
Day,  and  of  one  Sort  at  a  Meal  without  other  Sauce  than  Hunger. 
His  Meals  should  not  be  kept  constantly  to  an  Hour.  Let  his 
Bed  be  hard,  and  rather  Quilts  than  feathers,  —  hard  Lodging 
strengthens  the  Parts.” 

Thus  the  intellectual  education  suggested  by  Locke 
in  the  Conduct  is  evidently  very  different  in  content  and 

1  Strangely  enough,  Locke,  despite  his  doctrine  of  a  tabula  rasa,  here 
recognizes  native  tendencies  in  the  child,  but  they  seem  to  be  all  hostile 
to  moral  development,  and  must  be  ‘suppressed,’  ‘weeded  out,’  and 
‘cured.’  Whereas  the  good  elements  have  in  general  to  be  ‘imprinted,’ 
‘implanted,’  and  ‘instilled’  from  the  outside. 


JOHN  LOCKE  AND  EDUCATION  AS  DISCIPLINE  63 


method  from  that  in  his  Thoughts,  by  which  he  is  usually 
measured.  And  his  real  educational  theory  is  clearly 
exhibited  in  the  mental  training  advocated  by  the  former 
work  and  in  the  positions  taken  on  physical  and  moral 
training  in  the  latter.  The  idea  he  gives  here  of  training 
the  mind  by  means  of  mathematics  and  other  subjects 
so  as  to  cultivate  ‘general  power,’  together  with  his 
‘  denial  of  desires  ’  in  moral  education  and  the  ‘  hardening 
process  ’  in  physical  training,  would  seem  to  make  Locke 
the  first 1  writer  to  advocate  the  doctrine  of  ‘  formal  dis¬ 
cipline.’ 

The  Influence  of  ‘  Formal  Discipline  ’  upon  Education 

Adherents  of  this  theory  hold  that  the  study  of  certain 
subjects  yields  results  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  effort 
expended,  and  gives  a  power  that  may  be  applied  in  any 
direction.  It  has  been  argued  by  formal  disciplinarians, 
accordingly,  that  every  one  should  take  these  all- 
important  studies,  regardless  of  his  interest,  ability,  or  pur¬ 
pose  in  life,  and  that  all  who  are  unfitted  for  these  partic¬ 
ular  subjects  are  not  qualified  for  the  higher  duties  and 
responsibilities,  and  are  unworthy  of  educational  con¬ 
sideration.  These  subjects  are  usually  held  to  be  the 
classic  languages  to  improve  the  ‘faculty  of  memory,’ 
and  mathematics  to  sharpen  the  ‘faculty  of  reason,’ 

1  With  possibly  the  exception  of  such  allusions  as  appear  in  Bacon’s 
famous  essay,  Of  Studies. 


theory  is  that 
of  ‘formal 
discipline.’ 


Position  of 
the  formal 
disciplinari¬ 
ans. 


64  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


The  effect  of 
formal  dis¬ 
cipline  upon 
the  English 
grammar  and 
public 
schools,  and 
the  univer¬ 
sities;  the 
German 
‘Gymnasien’ ; 
and  the  high 
schools,  col¬ 
leges,  and 
universities 
in  the 
United 
States. 


although  strenuous  efforts  have  been  made  by  the  scien¬ 
tists  and  others  1  to  meet  this  argument  by  pointing  out 
the  ‘formal  discipline ’  in  their  own  favorite  studies. 

This  principle  of  formal  discipline  has  had  a  tremendous 
effect  upon  each  stage  of  education  in  practically  every 
country  and  during  every  period  almost  up  to  the  last 
decade,  when  a  decided  reaction  began.2  The  formal 
classicism  of  the  English  grammar  and  public  schools 
and  universities,  and  of  the  German  Gymnasien ,  afford 
excellent  examples  of  the  influence  of  this  doctrine. 
While  in  the  United  States  a  newer  and  more  flexible 
society  has  enabled  changes  to  be  more  readily  made, 
but  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago  Greek,  Latin,  and  mathe¬ 
matics  made  up  most  of  the  course  in  high  schools,  col¬ 
leges,  and  universities,  and  until  very  recently  the 
effete  portion  of  arithmetic  and  the  husks  of  formal 


1  See  Proceedings  of  the  International  Congress  of  Charities ,  1893, 
Section  VII,  where  E.  B.  Andrews  makes  this  argument  even  for  the 
study  of  Sociology. 

2  See  Adams,  Herbartian  Psychology,  Chap.  V ;  Bagley,  Educative 
Process,  Chaps.  XIII-XIV ;  Heck,  Mental  Discipline;  Horne,  Training 
of  the  Will  {School  Review,  XIII,  pp.  616-628) ;  O’Shea,  Educa¬ 
tion  as  Adjustment,  Chaps.  XIII  and  XIV ;  Thorndike,  Educational 
Psychology,  Chap.  VIII;  Wardlow,  Is  Mental  Discipline  a  Myth  ? 
{Educational  Review,  XXXV,  pp.  22-32).  Read  also  the  more  recent 
investigations,  which  tend  to  show  that  we  have  reacted  too  far.  See 
the  contributions  of  Angell,  Pillsbury,  Judd,  and  Ruediger  in  Educa¬ 
tional  Review,  XXXVI,  pp.  1-43,  and  364-372,  and  Winch  in  the  British 
Journal  of  Psychology,  Vol.  II,  pp.  284-293. 


JOHN  LOCKE  AND  EDUCATION  AS  DISCIPLINE  65 


grammar  were  defended  in  our  elementary  education 
upon  the  score  of  ‘formal  discipline. ’  But,  with  the 
growth  of  science,  the  abandonment  of  the  ‘faculty’1 
psychology  and  the  development  of  educational  theory, 
the  curriculum  has  everywhere  been  broadened,  and  the 
content  of  studies  rather  than  the  process  of  acquisition 
has  come  to  be  emphasized. 

It  should,  however,  be  recognized  that  Locke  did  not  Yet  Locke’s 
defend,  but  vigorously  assailed,  the  grammatical  and  dpiine  was 
linguistic  grind  in  the  English  public  schools.  His  of° the  public6 
attitude  toward  formal  discipline  sprang  from  his  desire  schooIrs>  but 

A  x  o  arose  from 

to  root  out  the  traditional  and  false,  rather  than  to  sup-  his  desire  to 

root  out  the 

port  the  narrow  humanistic  curricula  of  the  times.  His  traditional 

1  •  i  1  -ji  .  •  tii*  1  r  i  •  Q'D.cl  false,  and 

philosophy  and  educational  doctrines  grew  out  of  his  is  connected 
purpose  to  aid  the  cause  of  liberty  and  reason,  and  his  rationalism 
esteem  for  mathematics  as  an  intellectual  training  shows  of  p^^tes 

0  and  the  skep- 

his  connection  with  Descartes.2  It  was,  moreover,  his  tidsmof 

’  ’  #  Hume. 

doctrine  that,  developed  to  an  extreme,  eventuated  in 
the  destructive  philosophy  of  the  French  rationalists 
and  the  skepticism  of  Hume.  While,  therefore,  Locke’s 
imagery  of  the  tabula  rasa  and  his  disciplinary  theory 


1  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  before  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  196  and 
213,  for  the  origin  and  meaning  of  the  ‘ faculty  ’  psychology. 

2  Locke  had  first  been  stimulated  by  Descartes,  who  was  reacting  from 
his  Jesuit  traditions.  The  effort  to  strip  off  preconceived  opinions  is 
similar  in  both,  and  while  Locke  rejects  the  ‘innate  ideas,’  to  whose  cer¬ 
tainty  Descartes  holds,  he  also  believes  in  mathematics  as  the  best  means 
of  disciplining  the  mind  and  of  getting  rid  of  the  false. 


66  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


have  had  an  influence  far  beyond  his  times,  it  can  hardly 
be  supposed  that  he  took  that  position  in  conscious  sup¬ 
port  of  the  conservative  formal  education  of  the  English 
schools.  He  was  in  this,  as  in  all  his  positions,  a  radical 
and  a  rationalist. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  Sources 

*Locke,  John.  Some  Thoughts  concerning  Education  (edited  by 
Quick) ;  Conduct  of  the  Understanding  (edited  by  Fowler). 

II.  Authorities 

Barnard,  FI.  American  Journal  of  Education.  Vol.  V,  pp.  209- 
222. 

Browning,  O.  History  of  Educational  Theories.  Chap.  VII. 
Compayre,  G.  History  of  Pedagogy.  Pp.  194-21 1. 

Davidson,  T.  History  of  Education.  Pp.  197-208. 

*Fowler,  T.  Locke  ( English  Men  of  Letters  Series ). 

Frazer,  A.  C.  Locke. 

*Laurie,  S.  S.  Educational  Opinion  since  the  Renaissance. 
Chaps.  XIII-XV. 

Munroe,  J.  P.  The  Educational  Ideal.  Chap.  V. 

*Quick,  R.  H.  Educational  Reformers.  Chap.  XIII. 


CHAPTER  VI 


FRANCKE  AND  HIS  INSTITUTIONS 

Corresponding  to  the  development  of  Puritanism 
in  England,  a  great  religious  revival  also  began  in  Ger¬ 
many  toward  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century.  In 
the  midst  of  the  formalism  into  which  Lutheranism  had 
fallen,  there  arose  a  set  of  theologians  who  were  con¬ 
vinced  of  the  need  of  moral  and  religious  reform,  and 
desired  to  make  religion  a  matter  of  life  rather  than  of 
creed. 

Spener  and  Francke 

Among  their  number  early  appeared  Philipp  Jakob 
Spener  (1635-1705),  a  pastor  in  Frankfurt,  who  insti¬ 
tuted  at  his  home  a  series  of  so-called  collegia  pietatis 
(‘religious  assemblies’),  in  which  were  formulated  propo¬ 
sitions  of  reform.  The  views  here  represented  seem  to 
have  been  borrowed  largely  from  Puritan  writers.  They 
did  not  advocate  any  new  doctrine,  but  simply  subordi¬ 
nated  orthodoxy  to  spiritual  religion  and  practical  moral¬ 
ity.  The  movement  spread  rapidly,  and  made  a  great 
impression  throughout  Germany.  The  old  orthodox 

theologians  and  pastors  were  grievously  offended,  and, 

67 


Spener  and 
the  rise  of 
Pietism. 


68  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Francke’s 
education 
and  early 
career. 


from  the  name  of  the  gatherings,  the  reformers  became 
known  in  reproach  as  Pietists.1 

From  the  standpoint  of  education,  however,  the  most 
important  Pietist  was  August  Hermann  Francke  (1663- 
1727).  Francke  received  an  excellent  education  at  the 
Gotha  gymnasium,  where  he  became  acquainted  with 
the  reforms  of  Ratich  and  Comenius,  and  at  the  uni¬ 
versities  of  Erfurt,  Kiel,  and  Leipzig,  in  which  he  studied 
theology  and  the  languages,  especially  Greek  and  He¬ 
brew.  He  first  came  into  notice  at  Leipzig,  where  he 
had  become  a  Privatdocent ,2  by  starting  a  Pietist  society 
for  careful  discussion  and  pious  application  of  the  Scrip¬ 
tures.  His  attitude  aroused  the  ill-will  of  the  older 
professors  and  caused  his  dismissal.  After  a  brief  but 
stormy  career  as  a  preacher  at  Erfurt  and  as  a  teacher 
at  Hamburg,  he  assisted  in  founding  the  University  of 
Halle,  which  became  the  center  from  which  Pietism  was 
diffused  throughout  Germany. 


Organization  of  Francke’s  Institutions 

Through  his  Here  in  1692  Francke  became  a  professor  of  the  Greek 

pastorate  atj 

Giaucha,  he  and  Hebrew  languages,  but  was  afterward  transferred 

found  an°  to  his  favorite  subject  of  theology.  To  make  ends  meet, 

1  Like  the  names  Puritan  and  Methodist ,  however,  it  was  afterward 
adopted  as  a  term  of  honor. 

2  In  the  German  universities  a  Privatdocent  is  not,  like  a  professor,  in 
receipt  of  a  regular  salary,  but  is  given  a  percentage  of  the  fees  of  the 
students  that  attend  his  lectures. 


FRANCKE  AND  HIS  INSTITUTIONS 


69 


he  was  also  appointed  pastor  in  the  suburb  of  Glaucha, 
and  through  this  latter  position  his  real  work  as  an  edu¬ 
cator  began.  While  catechizing  the  children  who  came 
to  the  parsonage  to  beg,  he  was  shocked  at  their  ignorance, 
poverty,  and  immorality,  and  resolved  to  raise  them 
from  their  degradation  by  education.  One  day  early  in 
1695,  upon  finding  a  contribution  of  seven  guldens 1 
in  his  alms  box,  he  started  an  Armenschule  (‘school 

t 

for  the  poor’)  in  his  own  house,  and  engaged  a  student 
of  the  university  as  its  teacher.  As  he  was  soon  re¬ 
quested  to  open  another  school  for  those  whose  parents 
could  afford  to  pay,  he  rented  two  rooms  in  a  neigh¬ 
boring  building,  —  one  for  the  Armenschule  and  one  for 
the  Biirgerschule  (‘school  for  citizens’)-  Further,  be¬ 
lieving  it  of  advantage  to  remove  orphans  from  their  old 
associations,  he  established  a  third  institution  for  them, 
called  the  Waisenanstalt  (‘orphanage’),  and  later  he  sub¬ 
divided  all  three  organizations  upon  the  basis  of  sex. 

Still  in  this  same  year,  he  undertook  for  a  wealthy 
widow  of  noble  family  to  educate  her  son  together  with 
some  other  boys,  and  his  work  in  this  direction  grew 


‘Armen¬ 
schule,’  a 
‘Biirger- 
schule,’  and 
‘  Waisen- 
anstalt.’ 


He  also 
founded 
secondary 
schools,  — - 
‘  Padago- 


1  The  silver  Gulden ,  or  ‘  florin/  worth  about  forty  cents,  would  seem  to 
be  meant  here.  $2.80  seems  a  small  sum  with  which  to  ‘  found  a  school/ 
but  in  Francke’s  time  a  coin  of  the  present  value  of  a  dollar  had  a  very 
large  purchasing  power.  With  the  contribution,  we  learn,  Francke  pur¬ 
chased  two  thalers’  (about  $1.50)  worth  of  books  and  employed  a  poor 
student  to  teach  the  children  two  hours  daily.  For  the  further  support 
of  the  school  he  declared  he  would  *  trust  God.’ 


70  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


gium,’ 

‘Schola 

Latina/ 

‘Tochter- 

schule,’  and 

‘Realschule/ 


and  a  ‘  Semi- 
narium  Prae- 
ceptorum.’ 


rapidly  into  a  secondary  school,  which  came  to  be  known 
as  the  Padagogium.  Two  years  later  he  started  another 
secondary  course  for  the  purpose  of  preparing  the  brighter 
boys  from  the  orphan  and  poor  schools  for  the  university, 
and  this  was  called  the  Lateinische  Hauptschule ,  or 
Schola  Latina ,  to  distinguish  it  from  the  elementary 
schools,  in  which  no  foreign  language  was  taught.  As 
early  as  1698,  Francke  likewise  wished  to  organize  a 
boarding-school  where  girls  whose  parents  could  afford 
it  might  obtain  a  training  in  Latin,  Greek,  Hebrew,  and 
other  secondary  subjects,  and  while  at  first  this  enter¬ 
prise  was  on  a  small  scale,  within  a  dozen  years  the 
Eohere  Tochterschule  (‘ higher  school  for  girls’)  became 
a  regular  part  of  his  system.  Moreover,  through  his 
colleague,  Semler,  a  secondary  school  of  a  more  practical 
type,  called  the  Realschule ,  in  which  the  pure  and  ap¬ 
plied  sciences  were  taught,  became  associated  in  1708 
with  the  institutions  of  Francke. 

In  addition  to  these  elementary  and  secondary  schools, 
Francke  was  also  enabled,  through  a  gift  of  four  thou¬ 
sand  marks  ($1000),  to  institute  in  1695  a  Seminarium 
Prceceptorum  (‘seminary  for  teachers’),  in  which  the 
theological  students  that  taught  in  his  schools  might  be 
trained.  These  students  practiced  teaching  for  two 
hours  each  day  under  the  supervision  and  criticism  of 
inspectors,  and  were  boarded  at  a  Freitisch  (‘free  table’), 
established  by  means  of  the  endowment. 


FRANCKE  AND  HIS  INSTITUTIONS 


7* 


His  Religious  Aim  in  Education 


Even  if  we  were  not  acquainted  with  the  origin  of 
Pietism,  or  with  the  practice  in  Francke’s  schools,  the 
explicit  statements  in  his  Brief  and  Simple  Treatise  on 
Christian  Education  1  would  make  it  evident  that  the 
educational  aim  underlying  all  his  work  was  primarily 
religious  training.  “The  chief  object  in  view,”  says 


His  Christian 

Education 

holds 

religion  to  be 
the  chief  aim, 
but  declares 
that  the  pu¬ 
pil’s  station 
must  be  con¬ 
sidered. 


Francke,  “is  that  all  children  may  be  instructed  above 


all  things  in  the  vital  knowledge  of  God  and  Christ,  and 


be  initiated  into  the  principles  of  true  religion.”  He 


goes  so  far  as  to  insist :  — 


“Only  the  pious  man  is  a  good  member  of  society.  Without 

* 

sincere  piety,  all  knowledge,  all  prudence,  all  worldly  culture,  is 
more  hurtful  than  useful,  and  we  are  never  secure  against  its 
misuse.” 


His  position  is,  therefore,  a  real  return  to  the  Reforma¬ 
tion  emphasis  upon  faith  and  non-ceremonial  worship. 
Nevertheless,  it  has  been  clear  that  he  was  sufficiently 
affected  by  the  times  to  found  his  schools  somewhat  with 
reference  to  existing  social  strata,  and  he  distinctly 
declares,  “In  all  instruction  we  must  keep  the  pupil’s 
station  and  future  calling  in  mind.” 


Course  and  Methods  in  His  Schools 


Naturally,  then,  the  subject  most  emphasized  in  all 
of  Francke’s  schools  was  religion.  In  the  elementary 

1  The  full  title  is  Kurzer  und  einf ditiger  Unterricht  wie  die  Kinder  zur 
wahren  Gottseligkeit  und  Christlichen  Klugheit  anzufiikren  sind. 


The  Bible 
and  cate¬ 
chism  as  ma¬ 
terial,  and 


72 


GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


reading  and 
writing  based 
on  the  Scrip¬ 
tures. 


Realistic 

studies. 


In  the  ‘  Pada- 
gogium,’ 
Greek  and 
Hebrew  for 
exegesis,  and 
Latin  and 
French 
through  the 
Bible. 


Realistic  and 

practical 

studies. 


Course  of 
the  ‘  Schola 
Latina,’  the 
‘  Realschule,’ 
and  the 


schools,  four  out  of  seven  hours  each  day  were  given  to 
Bible  study,  catechism,  prayer,  and  pious  observances, 
and  the  reading  and  writing  were  based  upon  the  Scrip¬ 
tures  as  material.  After  learning  to  read,  a  pupil  studied 
arithmetic  for  four  hours,  and  vocal  music  for  two  hours 
each  week.  Incidentally,  the  course  was  enriched  with 
a  knowledge  of  ‘  real  ’  or  useful  things,  such  as  the  simplest 
facts  of  astronomy  and  physics,  bits  of  geographical  and 
historical  information,  and  various  household  arts. 

In  the  Pddagogium ,  not  only  was  religion  the  chief 
study,  but  Greek  and  Hebrew  were  taught  largely  for 
the  sake  of  exegesis,  compositions  were  written  in  Latin 
upon  Bible  subjects,  and  French  was  learned  through  a 
New  Testament  in  that  language.  The  realistic  turn 
to  Francke’s  work  also  appeared  in  training  in  the  ver¬ 
nacular,  in  such  studies  as  mathematics,  German  oratory, 
history,  and  geography,  and  in  the  elements  of  natural 
science,  arts,  and  crafts,  and  of  astronomy,  anatomy, 
and  materia  medica.  He  also  added  the  management 
of  estates,  gardens,  and  vineyards,  and  such  other  knowl¬ 
edge  as  the  upper  classes  of  society  would  find  useful. 
As  the  pupils  in  the  Schola  Latina  were  not  of  sufficient 
social  standing  to  demand  it,  the  French  and  some  of 
the  practical  studies  of  the  Pddagogium  were  omitted, 
but  the  curriculum  was  otherwise  the  same.  The  Real¬ 
schule  went  more  fully  into  the  mathematics,  sciences, 
and  useful  subjects  than  did  the  Pddagogium.  The 


FRANCKE  AND  HIS  INSTITUTIONS 


73 


work  in  the  T ochterschule  was  not  unlike  that  in  the  Latin 
school,  but  included  the  household  arts  and  other  occu¬ 
pational  studies  and  ‘accomplishments.’ 

While  the  course  in  all  of  Francke’s  schools  was  dis¬ 
tinctly  disciplinary  in  theory,  good  pedagogy  was  not 
altogether  neglected.  The  teachers  were  directed  by 
his  treatise  to  study  each  individual  pupil,  and  were  ad¬ 
vised  how  to  train  children  to  concentrate,  observe,  and 
reason.  Although  much  memorizing  was  practiced, 
“children  were  not  to  be  permitted  to  learn  to  prattle 
words  without  understanding  them.”  This  comprehen¬ 
sion  of  the  work  was,  of  course,  increased  by  applying 
all  studies  to  everyday  life.  The  pupils  wrote  formal 
letters,  receipts,  and  bonds,  and  their  mathematical 
problems  were  based  upon  practical  transactions.  The 
discipline  in  all  the  schools  of  Francke,  in  consequence, 
though  strict,  was  mild  and  humane. 

The  Influence  of  Francke’s  Institutions 

From  these  schools,  together  with  the  orphanage, 
seminary,  and  ‘free  table’  as  a  nucleus,  have  developed 
the  now  celebrated  organization  known  as  Franckesche 
Stijtungen  (‘Francke’s  Institutions’).  “It  is  difficult 
to  decide,”  says  Adamson,  “whether  the  most  surprising 
feature  is  their  humble  beginning,  or  their  rapid  growth 
and  steady  adaptation  of  means  to  ends.”  In  spite  of 
many  controversies  resulting  from  the  Pietistic  auspices 


*  Tochter- 
schule.’ 


The  indi¬ 
vidual  pupil 
was  studied. 


Memorizing 
without 
understand¬ 
ing  was  not 
allowed. 


Application 
of  studies  to 
daily  life. 


Mild  disci 
pline. 


‘Francke’s 
Institutions  ’ 
grew  rapidly, 
increased  in 
number,  and 
have  done  a 
most  effec¬ 
tive  work. 


74  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


The  ‘mod¬ 
ern’  studies 
have  infiu- 


of  the  institutions,  at  the  death  of  Francke  in  1727  there 
were  already  in  the  elementary  schools  some  seventeen 
hundred  and  twenty-five  pupils  of  both  sexes,  in  the  or¬ 
phanage  were  maintained  one  hundred  boys  and  thirty- 
four  girls,  while  the  Padagogium  had  eighty-two,  and  the 
Schola  Latina  four  hundred  boys,  and  two  hundred 
and  fifty  students  boarded  at  the  ‘free  tabled 

These  institutions  have  since  been  increased  in  num¬ 
ber,  and  there  are  now  some  twenty-five  enterprises 
conducted  in  a  large  group  of  structures  built  about  a 
double  court.  Among  the  additions  are  a  printing 
plant  and  bindery,  a  bookstore,  a  Bible  house,  a  drug 
store  and  dispensary,  and  a  home  for  women,  as  well  as 
a  Realgymnasium 1  and  a  V or schnle. 2  Through  these 
institutions  more  than  four  thousand  persons  are  being 
provided  with  the  means  of  an  education  or  livelihood, 
and  many  good  causes  are  advanced.  Over  one  million 
marks  ($250,000),  coming  from  the  endowment,  state 
appropriations,  tuition  fees,  and  profits  upon  the  enter¬ 
prises,  are  expended  each  year  in  maintaining  the  in¬ 
stitutions. 

This  work  of  Francke  has  had  a  great  influence  upon 
German  education  in  several  directions.  The  ‘modern’ 

1  A  compromise  between  the  Gymnasium  and  the  Realschule ,  which  has 
been  quite  common  in  Germany,  but  is  now  disappearing. 

2  A  preparatory  school  for  the  secondary  schools,  attended  by  children 
between  six  and  nine. 


FRANCKE  AND  HIS  INSTITUTIONS 


75 


studies  of  the  Padagogium  and  Schola  Latina  have  been 
a  model  for  Prussia  and  all  Protestant  Germany,  and 
have  somewhat  affected  the  curricula  of  the  Gymnasien. 
The  Realschule  of  Semler  was  brought  in  a  slightly  modi¬ 
fied  form  to  Berlin  by  Hecker,  one  of  the  teachers  in  the 
Padagogium.  From  the  capital  it  spread  gradually 
throughout  Prussia,  until  it  was  taken  into  the  public 
system,  and  is  to-day  one  of  the  most  important  features. 
The  seminary,  or  training  school  for  teachers,  has  been 
adopted  by  practically  every  one  of  the  German  states. 
Further,  since  in  the  various  schools  of  Francke  were 
realized  the  chief  ideals  of  most  educational  reformers 
up  to  that  time,  Germany  was  thereby  given  a  concrete 
example  of  what  it  might  best  strive  to  imitate.  Again, 
by  means  of  teachers  trained  in  his  system  at  the  semi¬ 
nary,  all  Germany  has  been  leavened  with  the  spirit  of 
the  great  Pietist. 

As  to  Pietism  itself,  however,  while  originally  a  pro¬ 
test  against  creed  and  ceremonial,  in  later  years  it  lost 
much  of  its  living  power  and  deteriorated  into  a  formal¬ 
ism  in  religious  life  and  thought.  It  magnified  even  the 
smallest  of  daily  doings  into  expressions  of  piety,  and 
became,  like  Puritanism,  pervaded  with  affectation  and 
cant.  To  a  great  extent  its  schools,  with  their  spiritual 
purpose  and  content,  then  lapsed  into  merely  inefficient 
classes  in  formal  catechism,  and  all  hold  upon  real  living 
was  lost.  The  religious  revival  of  Spener  and  the  edu- 


enced  the 
‘  Gymna¬ 
sien  ' ;  the 
‘  Realschule' 
has  spread 
throughout 
Prussia ;  and 
the  ‘  Semina- 
rium'  has 
been  adopted 
by  practi¬ 
cally  all  the 
German 
states. 


All  Germany 
has  been 
leavened. 

But  Pietism 
itself  became 
crystallized 
and  fixed. 


76  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


cational  impulse  of  Fran  eke  had  become  crystallized  and 
fixed. 


SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  Sources 

Kramer,  G.  (Editor).  A.  H.  Francke’s  Padagogische  Schrij 'ten.- 

Richter,  A.  August  Hermann  Francke,  Kurzer  'und  Einfdltiger 
Unterricht  (Pt.  X  of  Neudriicke  Padagogischer  Schriften). 

II.  Authorities 

*  Adamson,  J.  W.  Pioneers  of  Modern  Education .  Chap.  XIII. 

Compayre,  G.  History  of  Pedagogy.  P.  414. 

Francke,  K.  German  Literature  as  Determined  by  Social  Forces. 
Pp.  175-176. 

Kramer,  G.  August  Hermann  Francke;  ein  Lebensbild  and  Francke 
und  seine  Stiftungen  in  Halle  (A.  H.  Francke’s  Padagogische 
Schriften,  Introduction) . 

Nohle,  E.  History  of  the  German  School  System.  {Report  of  the 
United  States  Commissioner  of  Education.  1897-1898,  pp.  49- 
5i)- 

*Quick,  R.  H.  Educational  Reformers.  Chap.  XIII. 

Russell,  J.  E.  German  Higher  Schools.  Pp.  63-65. 

Williams,  S.  G.  History  of  Modern  Education.  Pp.  259-272. 


CHAPTER  VII 


V 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION 

The  inconsistencies  and  contradictions  of  Rousseau 
are  almost  proverbial.  But  in  his  antecedents  and  ca¬ 
reer  can  be  found  a  ready  explanation  for  the  positions 
of  this  most  illogical  writer.  The  theories  of  no  man  are 
more  clearly  a  product  of  his  heredity,  experience,  and 
times,  and,  thanks  to  his  own  mercilessly  frank  Con¬ 
fession s,1  there  are  few  instances  in  history  where  the 
life  and  environment  of  any  other  personage  are  known 
in  so  much  detail. 

The  Life,  Training,  and  Times  of  Rousseau 

Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  (1712-1778)  was  born  of  upper- 
class  parentage  in  the  simple  Protestant  city  of  Geneva. 
His  father,  a  watchmaker,  was  descended  from  a  Parisian 
family,  and  inherited  much  of  the  romanticism,  mercurial 
temperament,  and  love  of  pleasure  of  his  forbears.  The 
mother  of  Rousseau,  too,  although  the  daughter  of  a 
clergyman,  was  of  a  morbid  and  sentimental  disposition. 

1  The  Confessions  carry  his  life  from  early  childhood  up  to  his  expulsion 
from  the  lie  de  Saint  Pierre  and  his  preparation  to  go  to  Hume.  See  p.  104. 
We  are  largely  dependent  upon  the  Reveries  and  Letters  for  the  rest  of  his 
biography. 


The  parent¬ 
age  and 
training  of 
Rousseau 
tended  to 
make  him 
emotional, 
imaginative, 
and  preco¬ 
cious. 


77 


78  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


His  environ¬ 
ment  culti¬ 
vated  a  love 
of  nature, 
and  the 
theory  that 


She  died  at  the  birth  of  Jean  Jacques,  and  the  child  was 
brought  up  by  an  indulgent  aunt,  who  made  little  attempt 
to  correct  his  pilfering  and  lying,  and  utterly  failed  to 
instil  in  him  any  real  moral  principles.  This  general 
tendency  toward  a  want  of  self-control  was  further  in¬ 
creased  by  the  careless  attitude  of  his  father.  While 
the  boy  was  but  six,  the  elder  Rousseau  sat  up  with  him 
night  after  night  until  daylight  reading  the  silliest  and 
most  sensational  of  romances  from  the  extensive  collec¬ 
tion  left  by  his  wife.  Thus  were  nurtured  within  the 
child  an  extreme  emotionality,  imaginativeness,  and  pre¬ 
cocity.  After  a  year  or  so  the  novels  were  exhausted, 
and  Rousseau  was  forced  to  turn  for  material  to  the 
more  sensible  library  of  his  grandfather,  the  preacher. 
The  works  the  child  found  here,  such  as  the  Parallel 
Lives  of  Plutarch  and  the  standard  histories  of  the  day, 
made  quite  as  profound  an  impression  upon  his  character. 
They  contributed  to  his  sense  of  heroism  and  what  he 
afterward  termed  “that  republican  spirit  and  love  of 
liberty,  that  haughty  and  invincible  turn  of  mind,  which 
rendered  me  impatient  of  restraint.”  His  want  of  con¬ 
trol  may  in  this  way  have  first  come  to  turn  itself  toward 
revolution  and  the  destruction  of  existing  society. 

The  two  years  following  this  period  Jean  Jacques 
spent  in  the  village  of  Bossey,  just  outside  Geneva,  where 
he  had  been  sent  with  a  cousin  of  about  the  same  age  to 
be  educated.  Here  his  love  of  nature,  which  had  already 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  79 


been  cultivated  by  the  beauties  of  Genevan  environment, 
was  greatly  heightened.  He  found  a  wonderful  enjoy¬ 
ment  in  this  rural  life,  until  a  severe  punishment  for  a 
boyish  offense  turned  all  to  dross.  Thereupon,  he  de¬ 
clares,  he  began  to  evolve  the  theory  that  it  is  through 
restraint  and  discipline  of  the  impulses  and  departure 
from  nature  that  humanity  has  ever  been  corrupted  and 
ruined,  and  it  may  well  be  that  later  on,  from  his  adult 
standpoint,  this  experience  seemed  to  have  contributed  to 
what  then  became  the  central  feature  of  his  philosophy. 

After  this  the  boy  returned  to  Geneva  and  spent  a 
couple  of  years  in  idleness  and  sentimentality.  Then, 
during  trade  apprenticeships  lasting  four  years,  he  was 
further  corrupted  by  low  companions  and  gave  free 
rein  to  his  impulses  to  loaf,  lie,  and  steal.  Eventually, 
he  ran  away  from  the  city,  and  spent  several  years  in 
vagrancy,  dissoluteness,  and  menial  service.  During 
this  time  the  beauties  of  nature  were  more  than  ever 
impressed  upon  the  youth  by  the  wonderful  scenery  of  the 
Savoy  country  through  which  he  passed,  and  his  educa¬ 
tion  was  somewhat  improved  by  incidental  instruction 
from  a  relative  of  one  of  the  families  he  served.  Finally, 
at  nineteen,  Rousseau  went  to  stay  in  Savoy  with 
Madame  de  Warens,  a  person  of  shallow  character  and 
considerable  beauty.  In  the  decade  he  lived  there, 
under  most  anomalous  conditions,  upon  the  meager 
pension  of  a  woman,  he  obtained  further  sporadic  train- 


departure 
from  nature 
had  corrupted 
humanity. 


His  want  of 
self-control, 
love  of  na¬ 
ture,  and 
sympathy 
with  the  op¬ 
pressed,  were 
strengthened 
by  his 
wanderings. 


8o  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


His  attitude 
blended  well 
with  the 
vague  senti¬ 
ments  of  the  f 
period. 


ing  in  Latin,  music,  philosophy,  and  some  of  the  sciences. 
Through  occasional  wanderings  he  also  strengthened 
his  love  of  nature  and  learned  to  sympathize  with  the 
condition  of  the  poor  and  oppressed.  At  length  he  and 
Madame  de  Warens  grew  tired  of  each  other,  and  Rous¬ 
seau  gravitated  to  Paris.  In  this  city  he  was  forced  to 
earn  a  livelihood  for  himself  and  Therese  Le  Vasseur,  a 
coarse  and  stupid  servant  girl,  with  whom  he  lived  for 
the  rest  of  his  life.  He  thus  began  to  develop  some  sense 
of  responsibility. 

While  Rousseau’s  days  of  vagabondage  were  now  over, 
they  had  left  an  ineffaceable  stamp  upon  him.  His 
sensitiveness,  impulsiveness,  love  for  nature,  and  sym¬ 
pathy  for  the  poor,  together  with  his  inaccurate  and  un¬ 
systematic  education,  were  ever  afterward  in  evidence. 
And  it  can  be  seen  that  these  characteristics  of  Rous¬ 
seau  blended  well  with  a  body  of  inchoate  sentiments 
and  vague  longings  of  this  period  that  were  striving  for 
expression.  These  were  the  days  of  Louis  XV  and  royal 
absolutism,  when  the  administration  of  all  affairs  in  the 
kingdom  was  controlled  nominally  by  the  monarch,  but 
really  by  a  small  clique  of  idle  and  extravagant  courtiers 
about  him.  It  was  necessary  for  those  who  had  any 
desire  for  advancement  to  seek  to  attach  themselves  to 
the  court  and  adopt  its  elaborate  rules  and  customs.  In 
consequence,  a  most  artificial  system  of  etiquette  and 
conduct  had  grown  up  everywhere  in  the  upper  class  of 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  81 


society.  Under  this  veneer  and  extreme  conventionality 
were  the  degraded  peasants,  ground  down  by  taxation, 
deprived  of  their  rights,  and  obliged  to  minister  to  the 
pleasure  of  a  vicious  leisure  class.  But  against  this  op¬ 
pression  and  decadence  there  had  gradually  arisen  an  un¬ 
defined  spirit  of  protest  and  a  tendency  to  hark  back  to 
simpler  conditions.  There  had  come  into  the  air  a  feeling 
that  the  despotism  and  artificiality  of  the  times  were  due 
to  the  departure  of  civilized  man  from  an  original  benefi¬ 
cent  state  of  nature,  and  that  above  all  legislation  and 
institutions  was  a  natural  law  in  complete  harmony  with 

the  divine  will.  Hence  it  happened  that  Rousseau,  emo- 

# 

tional,  uncontrolled,  and  half-trained,  was  destined  to 
bring  to  consciousness  and  give  voice  to  the  revolutionary 
and  naturalistic  ideas  and  tendencies  of  the  century. 

His  Discourses,  and  The  New  Heloise,  Social 

Contract,  and  Emile 

For  some  time,  among  other  methods  of  securing  a 
living,  he  had  been  attempting  literary  production,  when 
'by  a  curious  accident  in  1750  he  leaped  into  fame  as  a 
writer.  The  preceding  year  the  Academy  of  Dijon1 
had  proposed  as  a  theme  for  a  prize  essay :  Has  the  prog¬ 
ress  of  the  sciences  and  arts  contributed  to  corrupt  or  to 


Finally  at 
Paris  his 
chaotic 
thought  was 
crystallized 
in  his  essay 
on  The 
Progress 
of  the  Sciences 
and  Arts  in 


1  A  few  of  the  larger  cities  of  France  had,  in  imitation  of  Paris,  founded 
‘academies’  for  the  discussion  of  scientific  and  philosophic  questions.  Of 
these  institutions  one  of  the  earliest  and  most  prominent  was  that  of  Dijon. 


82  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


1750  and  his  purify  morals?  1  This  inquiry  seems  to  have  suddenly 

essay  on 

inequality  brought  to  a  focus  all  the  chaotic  thought  that  had  been 

three  years 

later.  surging  within  Rousseau,  and  with  much  fervor  and  con¬ 

viction,  though  most  illogically,  he  declared  that  the 
existing  oppression  and  corruption  of  society  were  due 
to  the  advancement  of  civilization.  In  the  discourse 
written  by  him  he  contrasts  the  rugged  conduct  of  men 
in  the  primitive  ages  with  the  artificial  manners  of  his 
day,  under  which  were  cloaked  impiety,  deception,  and 
arrogance.  He  undertakes  to  show  from  the  history  of 
the  Oriental  and  classical  nations  that  this  degeneracy 
has  ever  been  caused  by  the  development  of  the  arts  and 
sciences  and  the  attempt  to  pass  from  that  happy  state 
of  ignorance  in  which  men  are  placed  by  nature.  Rous¬ 
seau’s  essay  won  the  prize  and  created  a  tremendous 
stir.  Three  years  later  he  competed  for  another  prize 
offered  by  the  same  academy  on  the  subject :  The  origin 
of  inequality  among  men.2  In  his  discourse  on  this  subject 
Rousseau  holds  that  the  physical  and  intellectual  in¬ 
equalities  of  nature  which  existed  in  primitive  society  were 
scarcely  noticeable,  but  that,  with  the  growth  of  civiliza¬ 
tion,  most  oppressive  distinctions  arose,  especially  through 
the  institution  of  private  property.  He  declares  :  — 

“The  first  man  who,  having  inclosed  a  piece  of  ground,  could 
think  of  saying,  ‘This  is  mine/  and  found  people  simple  enough  to 

1  Si  le  pr ogres  des  sciences  et  des  arts  a  contribue  d  corrompre  on  d  e purer 
les  mceurs.  2  Uorigine  de  Vinegalite  parmi  les  hommes. 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  83 


believe  him,  was  the  real  founder  of  civil  society.  How  many 
crimes,  wars,  murders,  miseries,  and  horrors  would  not  have  been 
spared  to  the  human  race  by  any  one  who,  pulling  up  the  stakes 
or  filling  in  the  trench,  could  have  called  out  to  his  fellows:  ‘ Be¬ 
ware  of  listening  to  this  impostor;  you  are  undone  if  you  forget 
that  the  earth  belongs  to  no  one,  and  that  its  fruits  are  for  all !’” 

For,  he  claims,  it  is  the  institution  of  property  that 
soon  led  to  robbery  and  insecurity,  and  this  brought  about 
civilization  and  laws  to  protect  the  accumulations  of  the 
wealthy.  Through  a  law-governed  society  the  poor  were 
thrown  more  deeply  into  bondage  and  a  new  power  was 
added  to  the  rich.1 


As  Rousseau’s  democratic  and  revolutionary  spirit 
developed,  Paris,  with  its  hypocritical  and  cold-blooded 
atmosphere,  became  more  and  more  stifling  to  him. 
Finally,  in  1756,  he  withdrew  to  the  village  of  Mont¬ 
morency  and  the  society  of  devoted  friends.  Here  in 
1761,  after  a  period  of  idleness  and  a  most  unfortunate 


After  with¬ 
drawing  to 
Montmo¬ 
rency,  he 
produced  by 
1762  The 
New  Heloise, 
Social  Con¬ 
tract,  and 
Emile,  which 


1  The  following  ironical  letter  written  by  Voltaire  to  Rousseau  concern¬ 
ing  this  work  exposes  the  fundamental  weakness  of  the  author’s  philos¬ 
ophy  :  — 

“I  have  received  your  new  book  against  the  human  race  and  thank  you 
for  it.  Never  was  such  cleverness  used  in  the  design  of  making  us  all 
stupid.  One  longs  on  reading  your  book  to  walk  on  all  fours.  But  as  I 
have  lost  that  habit  for  more  than  sixty  years,  I  feel  unhappily  the  im¬ 
possibility  of  renewing  it.  Nor  can  I  embark  in  search  of  the  savages  of 
Canada,  because  the  maladies  to  which  I  am  condemned  render  a  Euro¬ 
pean  surgeon  necessary  to  me ;  because  war  is  going  on  in  those  regions ; 
and  because  the  example  of  our  actions  has  made  the  savages  nearly  as 
bad  as  ourselves.” 


84  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES' 


modify  some-  love  affair,  he  produced  his  remarkable  romance,  The 

what  his  idea 

of  a  complete  New  Heloise,1  and  in  the  following  year  his  influential 
nature.  essay  on  political  ethics,  known  as  the  Social  Contract,2 
and  that  most  revolutionary  treatise  on  education,  the 
Emile.  The  New  Heloise  departs  somewhat  from  the 
complete  return  to  nature  sought  in  the  two  discourses. 
It  commends  a  restoration  of  as  much  of  the  primitive 
simplicity  of  living  as  the  crystallized  traditions  and 
institutions  of  society  will  permit.  While  the  first  part 
of  the  work  is  filled  with  passion  and  illicit  love,3  the 
last  is  an  exaltation  of  marriage  and  the  family,  and  of 
the  happiness  and  peace  of  rural  life.  In  the  Social  Con¬ 
tract,  Rousseau  also  finds  the  ideal  state,  not  in  that  of 
nature,  but  in  a  society  managed  by  the  people,  where 
simplicity  and  natural  wants  control,  and  aristocracy 
and  artificiality  do  not  exist.  A  state  of  nature,  how¬ 
ever,  is  still  the  starting-point.  Civilized  society  orig¬ 
inated  when  men  in  the  primitive  condition  found  the 
obstacles  to  self-preservation  too  strong,  and  sought  by 
association  to  protect  the  person  and  property  of  all. 
The  body  thus  constituted  is  sovereign,  and  every  citizen 
is  a  member  of  it.  The  government  which  it  sets  up, 
whether  a  monarchy,  aristocracy,  or  democracy,  may, 
therefore,  be  abolished  at  any  time  by  the  general  will 

1  The  full  title  was  Julie,  ou  la  nouvelle  Heloise.  2  Contrat  Social. 

3  The  second  part  of  the  title  grows  out  of  this  resemblance  to  the  story 
of  Abelard  and  Heloise. 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  85 


of  the  people.  The  furore  that  this  doctrine  created 
in  church  and  monarch-ridden  France  can  easily  be 
imagined. 

The  Purpose  of  the  Emile 

But  the  work  that  has  made  the  name  of  Rousseau 
famous  and  most  concerns  us  here  is  his  Emile.  This 
treatise  and  the  two  discourses  their  author  declared  to 
be  “  three  inseparable  works,  which  together  form  a  single 
whole.”  He  might  well  have  included  also  the  New 
Heloise  and  the  Social  Contract ,  especially  as  the  Emile 
assumes  more  nearly  the  modified  position  of  the  later 
works,  and  undertakes  to  show  how  education  might 
minimize  the  drawbacks  of  civilization  and  bring  man 
as  near  to  nature  as  possible.  As  the  Social  Contract 
and  his  discourses  were  written  to  counteract  the  op¬ 
pressive  social  and  political  conditions,  the  Emile  aims 
to  replace  the  conventional  and  formal  education  ot  the 
day  with  a  training  that  should  be  natural  and  spontane¬ 
ous.  We  learn  that  under  this  ancien  regime  little  boys 
had  their  hair  powdered,  wore  a  sword,  1  the  chapeau 
under  the  arm,  a  frill,  and  a  coat  with  gilded  cuffs/  that 
a  girl  was  dressed  in  equally  ridiculous  imitation  of  a 
fashionable  woman,  and  that  education  was  largely  one 
of  deportment  and  the  dancing  master,  for  “this  is  to 
be  the  great  thing  for  them  when  they  become  men  and 
women,  and  for  this  reason  it  is  the  thing  of  chief  impor- 


The  Emile 
was  directed 
against  the 
artificial 
education  of 
the  day,  and 
applies 
Rousseau’s 
naturalism 
to  education. 


86  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


It  is  divided 
into  five 
parts : 


(i)  ‘infancy,’ 
when  the 
pupil  is  to 
be  removed 
from  society, 
and  given  a 
natural  and 
physical 
training ; 


tance  for  them  as  children.”  1  On  the  intellectual  side, 
education  was  largely  traditional  and  consisted  chiefly  of 
a  training  in  Latin  grammar,  words,  and  memoriter  work. 
Rousseau  scathingly  criticized  these  practices  and  pleaded 
for  reform.  Hence  in  the  Emile  he  applies  his  natur¬ 
alistic  principles  to  the  education  of  an  imaginary  pupil 
of  that  name  “from  the  moment  of  his  birth  up  to  the 
time  when,  having  become  a  mature  man,  he  will  no 
longer  need  any  other  guide  than  himself.”  The  work 
is  divided  into  five  parts,  four  of  which  deal  with  Emile’s 
education  in  the  stages  of  infancy,  childhood,  boyhood, 
and  youth  respectively,  and  the  fifth  with  the  training 
of  the  girl  who  is  to  become  his  wife. 

The  Five  Books  of  the  Emile 

Rousseau  starts  the  first  book  with  a  re-statement 
of  his  basal  principle  that  “everything  is  good  as  it  comes 
from  the  hands  of  the  Author  of  Nature ;  but  everything 
degenerates  in  the  hands  of  man.”  After  elaborating 
this,  he  shows  that  we  are  educated  by  “three  kinds  of 
teachers,  —  nature,  men,  and  things,  and  since  the  co¬ 
operation  of  the  three  educations  is  necessary  for  their 
perfection,  it  is  to  the  one  over  which  we  have  no  con¬ 
trol  (i.e.  nature)  that  we  must  direct  the  other  two.” 

1  Taine,  The  Ancient  Regime,  p.  137.  Read  S.  C.  Parker’s  clear  pres¬ 
entation  of  this  ‘dancing-master  education’  in  The  Elementary  School 
Teacher,  Vol.  X,  pp.  139-148. 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  87 


Education  must,  therefore,  conform  to  nature,  and  must 
be  a  means  not  of  preparing  for  citizenship  in  any  par¬ 
ticular  government,  much  less  for  an  occupation,  but 
of  developing  manhood  and  fitting  for  ‘the  duties  of 
human  life.’  “To  live,”  says  Rousseau  of  his  pupil, 
“is  the  trade  I  wish  to  teach  him.”  For  so  delicate  a 
task  the  training  of  the  child  must  be  undertaken  by  his 
parents,  or  if,  as  in  the  case  of  Emile,  he  is  an  orphan,  by 
a  trustworthy  tutor,  who  can  secure  his  full  confidence.1 
As  an  infant,  Emile  must  be  removed  to  the  country, 
where  he  will  be  close  to  nature  and  farthest  from  the 
contaminating  influences  of  civilization.  His  growth 
and  training  must  be  as  spontaneous  as  possible.  He 
must  have  nothing  to  do  with  either  medicine  or  doctors, 
“unless  his  life  is  in  evident  danger;  for  then  they  can 
do  nothing  worse  than  kill  him.”  His  natural  movements 
must  not  be  restrained  by  caps,  bands,  or  swaddling 
clothes,  and  he  should  be  nursed  by  his  own  mother.2 

1  It  is  clear  from  the  mention  of  a  tutor  that  Rousseau  had  in  mind 
reforming  only  the  unnatural  education  of  the  upper  class.  With  all  his 
sympathy  for  the  downtrodden  peasants,  he  did  not  feel  the  need  of 
improving  their  training.  He  is  rather  impressed  with  their  opportunity 
for  free  development,  saying,  “The  poor  man  needs  no  education,  for  his 
condition  forces  one  upon  him.” 

2  The  effect  of  this  teaching  of  Rousseau  upon  the  fashionable  French 
mothers  was  not  altogether  happy.  When  this  ‘return  to  nature’  came 
to  be  a  fad,  these  ladies  did  not  abandon  society,  but  had  the  infants 
brought  in  at  dessert,  when  the  mothers  were  filled  with  wine  and  food, 
or  in  the  intervals  of  the  dance,  when  they  were  overheated,  and  gave 


88  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


<? 

'  \ 


He  should  likewise  be  used  to  baths  of  all  sorts  of  tem¬ 
perature.  In  fact,  the  child  should  not  be  forced  into 
any  fixed  ways  whatsoever,  since,  with  Rousseau,  habit 
is  necessarily  something  contrary  to  impulse  and  so  un¬ 
natural  and  a  thing  to  be  shunned.  “The  only  habit,” 
says  he,  “which  the  child  should  be  allowed  to  form  is 
to  contract  no  habit  whatsoever.”  Since,  however,  ugly 
objects,  alarming  sounds,  and  the  dark  exist  in  nature/ 
he  should  be  gradually  accustomed  to  them.  When  he 
cries  for  a  reason,  he  should  be  cared  for,  but  when  from 
caprice  or  obstinacy,  he  should  not  be  heeded,  or,  if  it 
is  necessary  to  divert  his  attention,  it  should  be  without 
his  suspecting  it.  His  playthings  should  not  be  “gold 
or  silver  bells,  coral,  elaborate  crystals,  toys  of  all  kinds 
and  prices,”  but  such  simple  products  of  nature  as 
“branches  with  their  fruits  and  flowers,  or  a  poppy-head 
in  which  the  seeds  are  heard  to  rattle.”  Language  that 
is  simple,  plain,  and  hence  natural,  should  be  used  with 
him,  and  he  should  not  be  hurried  beyond  nature  in 
learning  to  talk.  He  should  be  restricted  to  a  few  words 
that  express  real  thoughts  for  him. 

The  education  of  Emile  during  infancy  is  thus  to  be 
purely  physical.  The  aim  is  simply  to  keep  his  instincts 

\  *  •  • 


them  their  natural  sustenance  at  that  time.  Nevertheless,  Rousseau  did 
permanently  modify  the  attitude  toward  children  and  the  treatment  of 
them.  Parents  entered  into  more  intimate  relations  with  their  children 
and  found  time  to  look  after  their  education. 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  89 


and  impulses,  which,  Rousseau  holds,  are  good  by  nature, 
free  from  vice,  and  his  intelligence  free  from  error.  This 
natural  and  negative  education  is  continued  in  the  second 
book,  which  deals  with  the  child  between  the  years  of 
five  and  twelve.  No  moral  training  is  to  be  given  as 
such,  for  “  until  he  reaches  the  age  of  reason,  he  can  form 
no  idea  of  moral  beings  or  social  relations.”  Rousseau 
maintains  that  “the  terms  obey  and  command  are  pro¬ 
scribed  from  his  vocabulary,  and  still  more  the  terms  duty 
and  obligation.”  Certain  lessons  are,  however,  to  be 
taught  him  indirectly  by  a  control  of  his  environment, 
for  “the  terms  force,  necessity,  impotency,  and  constraint 
should  have  a  large  place”  with  him,  and  “he  is  to  be 
taught  by  experience.”  He  is  to  learn  through  ‘ natural 
consequences  ’  until  he  arrives  at  the  age  for  understand¬ 
ing  moral  precepts.  If  he  breaks  the  furniture  or  the 
windows,  let  him  suffer  the  inconveniences  that  arise 
from  his  act.  Do  not  preach  to  him  or  punish  him  for 
lying,  but  afterward  affect  not  to  believe  him  even  when 
he  has  spoken  the  truth.  If  he  carelessly  digs  up  the 
sprouting  melons  of  the  gardener,  in  order  to  plant  beans 
for  himself,  let  the  gardener  in  turn  uproot  the  beans, 
and  thus  cause  him  to  learn  the  sacredness  of  property. 
In  intellectual  matters,  too,  Rousseau  condemns  the 
usual  unnatural  practice  of  requiring  pupils  to  learn  so 
much  before  they  have  reached  the  proper  years.  He 
rhetorically  asks :  “Shall  I  venture  to  state  at  this  point 


(2)  ‘child¬ 
hood,’  be¬ 
tween  five 
and  twelve, 
when  he  is  to 
be  given  no 
moral  train¬ 
ing,  but  to 
learn  through 
‘  conse¬ 
quences,’  and 
to  develop 
the  body 
rather  than 
the  mind ; 


9o  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


the  most  important,  the  most  useful,  rule  of  all  education  ? 
It  is  not  to  gain  time,  but  to  lose  it.”  Hence  during  this 
period  Emile  is  not  to  study  geography,  history,  or  lan¬ 
guages,  upon  which  pedagogues  ordinarily  depend  to 
exhibit  the  attainments  of  their  pupils,  although  these 
understand  nothing  of  what  they  have  memorized.  He 
is  not  to  commit  fables  to  memory,  for  he  will  be  very 
likely  to  misapply  the  moral.  Rousseau  even  goes  so  far 
as  to  declare :  — 

“In  thus  relieving  children  of  all  their  school  tasks,  I  take  away 
the  instrument  of  their  greatest  misery,  namely,  books.  Reading 
is  the  scourge  of  childhood,  and  almost  the  sole  occupation  that  we 
know  how  to  give  them.  At  the  age  of  twelve,  Emile  will  hardly 
know  what  a  book  is.  But  I  shall  be  told  that  it  is  very  necessary 
that  he  know  how  to  read.  This  I  grant.  It  is  necessary  that  he 
know  how  to  read  when  reading  is  useful  to  him.  Until  then,  it 
serves  only  to  annoy  him.” 

The  chief  function  of  education  at  this  period  is  to 
develop  the  body  and  “keep  the  soul  fallow,”  for,  “in 
order  to  think,  we  must  exercise  our  limbs,  our  senses,  and 
our  organs,  which  are  the  instruments  of  our  intelli¬ 
gence.”  To  obtain  this  training,  Emile  is  to  wear  short, 
loose,  and  scanty  clothing,  go  bareheaded,  and  have  the 
body  inured  to  cold  and  heat,  and  be  generally  subjected 
to  a  ‘ hardening  process’  similar  to  that  recommended 
by  Locke.1  He  should  have  plenty  of  time  for  sleep, 
although  he  should  learn  to  have  it  interrupted  and  to 

1  See  p.  62. 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  91 


endure  a  hard  bed.  He  must  learn  to  swim,  to  protect 
himself  from  drowning,  and  must  prepare  for  emergencies, 
by  practicing  long  and  high  jumps,  leaping  walls,  and 
scaling  rocks.  His  senses  are  to  be  exercised  on  natural 
problems  in  weighing  and  measuring  masses  and  dis¬ 
tances;  his  hand  and  eye  are  to  be  trained  by  drawing 
from  nature  about  him,  and  his  ear  is  to  be  rendered 
sensitive  to  harmony  by  learning  to  sing. 

There  comes,  however,  between  twelve  and  fifteen, 
after  the  boy’s  body  and  senses  have  been  trained,  “an 
interval  when  the  power  of  the  individual  is  greater 
than  his  desires,  which  is  the  period  of  his  greatest 
relative  strength.”  This  period,  which  is  dealt  with  in 
his  third  book,  Rousseau  declares,  is  intended  by  nature 
itself  as  “the  time  of  labor,  instruction,  and  study.” 
But  it  is  obvious  even  to  our  unpractical  author  that 
not  much  can  be  learned  within  three  years,  and  he 
accordingly  decides  to  limit  instruction  to  “merely  that 
which  is  useful.”  And  even  of  useful  studies  the  boy 
should  not  be  expected  to  learn  those  “truths  which 
require,  for  being  comprehended,  an  understanding 
already  formed,  or  which  dispose  an  inexperienced  mind 
to  think  falsely  on  other  subjects.”  After  eliminating 
all  useless,  incomprehensible,  and  misleading  studies, 
Rousseau  finds  that  natural  sciences  alone  remain  as 
mental  pabulum  for  the  boy.  The  natural  method  for 
acquiring  these  subjects,  he  believes,  is  through  an 


(3)‘  boy¬ 
hood,’  be¬ 
tween  twelve 
and  fifteen, 
when  he  is  to 
learn  only 
useful  studies 
without 
books  of  any 
sort,  save 
Robinson 
Crusoe,  and 
to  take  up 
the  trade  of 
cabinet¬ 
making. 


92  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


appeal  to  the  curiosity  and  instinct  for  investigation. 
“Ask  questions  that  are  within  his  comprehension,  and 
leave  him  to  resolve  them.  Let  him  know  nothing 
because  you  have  told  it  to  him,  but  because  he  has 
comprehended  it  himself ;  he  is  not  to  learn  science, 
but  to  discover  it.  If  you  ever  substitute  in  his  mind 
authority  for  reason,  he  will  no  longer  reason.”  So 
Rousseau  contrasts  the  current  methods  of  teaching 
astronomy  and  geography  by  means  of  globes,  maps, 
and  other  misleading  representations,  with  the  more 
natural  plan  of  stimulating  inquiry  by  observing  the 
sun  when  rising  and  setting  during  the  different  seasons, 
and  by  studying  the  topography  of  the  neighborhood 
and  drawing  maps  of  it.  Emile  is  taught  to  appreciate 
the  value  of  these  subjects  by  being  lost  in  the  forest, 
and,  in  his  efforts  to  find  a  way  out,  discovering  a  use 
for  them.  He  learns  the  elements  of  electricity  by 
meeting  with  a  juggler,  who  attracts  an  artificial  duck 
by  means  of  a  concealed  magnet.  He  similarly  dis¬ 
covers  through  experience  the  effect  of  cold  and  heat 
upon  solids  and  liquids,  and  so  comes  to  understand  the 
thermometer  and  other  instruments.  Hence  Rousseau 
feels  that  all  knowledge  of  real  value  may  be  acquired 
clearly  and  naturally  without  the  use  of  rivalry  or  text¬ 
books.  “I  hate  books,”  he  says;  “they  merely  teach 
us  to  talk  of  what  we  do  not  know.”  But  he  finds  one 
book,  “where  all  the  natural  needs  of  man  are  exhibited 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  93 


in  a  manner  obvious  to  the  mind  of  a  child,  and  where 
the  means  of  providing  for  these  needs  are  successively 
developed  with  the  same  facility.”  This  book,  Robin¬ 
son  Crusoe /  should  be  carefully  studied  by  Emile.  In 
order  to  learn  the  interdependence  of  men  from  the 
industrial  rather  than  the  moral  side,  Emile  and  his 
tutor  now  also  labor  in  the  various  arts,  and  that  he 
may  be  independent  of  changes  in  fortune  and  revolutions 
in  government,  the  boy  is  to  learn  a  trade.  Cabinet¬ 
making,  as  being  ‘  nearest  to  the  state  of  nature  ’  and  most 
capable  of  exercising  both  mind  and  body,  is  chosen. 

Emile  is  now  fifteen,  and  his  mind  is  prepared  to 
receive  an  ethical  training.  This  is  treated  in  the  fourth 
book,  which  is  the  most  brilliant  and  chimerical  of  all. 
The  motive  of  education  has  hitherto  been  self-interest, 
and  the  object  self-development.  Emile  must  now 
learn  to  live  with  others  and  be  trained  in  social  rela¬ 
tionships.  He  is  to  be  made  affectionate,  moral,  and 
religious.  “We  have  formed  his  body,  his  senses,  and 
his  intelligence ;  it  remains  to  give  him  a  heart.”  The  su¬ 
preme  importance  of  the  adolescent  period  for  this  moral 
training  is  recognized  by  Rousseau  in  the  declaration  :  — 

“This  critical  time,  though  very  short,  has  lasting  influences. 
Here  is  the  second  birth  of  which  I  have  spoken ;  it  is  here  that 

1  Thus  Campe  of  the  ‘Philanthropinum/  which  attempted  to  put 
Rousseau’s  doctrines  into  practice,  wrote  on  the  model  of  Robinson  Crusoe 
the  work  now  known  as  Swiss  Family  Robinson.  See  p.  115. 


(4)  ‘youth/ 
from  fifteen 
on,  when  he 
is  to  be  made 
moral  and 
religious,  by 
visits  to 
unfortunates, 
exposure  to 
knaves,  the 
use  of  fables, 
and  the  adop¬ 
tion  of 
deism ; 


94  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


man  really  begins  to  live,  and  nothing  human  is  foreign  to  him. 
So  far  our  cares  have  been  but  child’s  play ;  it  is  only  now  that 
they  assume  a  real  importance.  This  epoch,  where  ordinary 
education  ends,  is  properly  one  where  ours  ought  to  begin.” 


/ 


( 


“To  turn  his  character  toward  benevolence  and 
goodness”  during  this  impressionable  age,  Rousseau 
declares,  is  to  be  accomplished  not  through  precepts, 
but  in  a  natural  way  by  bringing  the  youth  into  contact 
with  his  fellow  men  and  appealing  to  his  emotions. 
Emile  is  to  visit  infirmaries,  hospitals,  and  prisons,  and 
witness  concrete  examples  of  wretchedness  in  all  stages, 
although  not  so  frequently  as  to  become  hardened. 
That  this  training  may  not  render  him  cynical  or  hyper¬ 
critical,  it  should  be  corrected  by  the  study  of  history, 
where  one  sees  men  simply  as  a  spectator  without  feel¬ 
ing  or  passion.  Further,  in  order  to  deliver  Emile  from 
vanity,  so  common  during  adolescence,  he  is  to  be 
exposed  to  flatterers,  spendthrifts,  and  sharpers,  and 
allowed  to  suffer  the  consequences.  He  may  at  this 
time  also  be  guided  in  his  conduct  by  the  use  of  fables, 
for  “by  censuring  the  wrongdoer  under  an  unknown 
mask,  we  instruct  without  offending  him.”  In  a  simi¬ 
larly  indirect  and  informal  fashion  Emile  is  to  be  given 
his  religious  education.  Until  now  he  has  been  taught 
nothing  about  God  or  the  human  soul,  as  Rousseau 
holds  that  “it  would  be  much  better  to  have  no  idea  of 
the  Divinity  than  to  have  ideas  which  are  low,  fanciful, 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  95 


wrongful,  or  unworthy  of  him.”  But  now  “  the  natural 
progress  of  his  intelligence  carries  his  researches  in  that 
direction”  and  “from  the  study  of  nature  he  comes 
without  difficulty  to  a  search  for  its  Author.”  Under 
the  guise  of  the  Savoyard  Vicar’s  1  Profession  of  Faith 
Rousseau  describes  the  deism,  or  naturalistic  views, 
which  his  pupil  is  to  adopt.  This  formulation,  which  is 
written  in  stately  but  impassioned  language,  while  de¬ 
parting  from  the  position  of  the  traditionalized  Church 

• 

of  the  day,  is  not,  like  the  attacks  of  the  rationalists, 
merely  destructive.  It  seeks  to  replace  organized  Chris¬ 
tianity  with  a  natural  and  undogmatic  religion.  The 
vicar  declares :  — 

“I  perceive  God  everywhere  in  his  works ;  I  feel  him  in  myself ; 
I  see  him  universally  around  me.  But  when  I  fain  would  seek 
where  he  is,  what  he  is,  of  what  substance,  he  glides  away  from  me, 
and  my  troubled  soul  discerns  nothing.  The  less  I  can  conceive 
him,  the  more  I  ador-e.  I  bow  myself  down,  and  say  to  him,  O 
being  of  beings,  I  am  because  thou  art ;  to  meditate  ceaselessly  on 
thee  by  day  and  by  night  is  to  raise  myself  to  my  veritable  source 
and  fount.” 

Emile  at  length  becomes  a  man,  and  a  life  companion 
must  be  found  for  him.  A  search  should  be  made  for  a 

1  This  vicar  of  Savoy  was  a  kindly  old  priest,  who  undertook  to  counsel 
Rousseau  when  at  the  height  of  his  reckless  career  in  Turin.  Rousseau 
was  much  impressed,  and  afterward  put  his  highest  conception  of  religion 
into  the  mouth  of  this  spiritual  adviser.  It  fills  a  large  portion  of  the 
fourth  book. 


and  (5),  the 
education  of  j 
woman,  since 


g6  great  educators  of  three  centuries 


now  that 
Emile  has 
become  a 
man,  a  life 
companion 
who 

has  been 
suitably 
trained  must 
be  found  for 
him. 


suitable  lady,  but  “in  order  to  find  her,  we  must  know 
her.”  Accordingly,  the  last  book  of  the  Emile  deals 
with  the  model  Sophie  and  the  education  of  woman. 
It  is  the  weakest  part  of  his  work,  for  here  Rousseau 
completely  abandons  the  individualistic  training  to  be 
given  the  man.  He  insists:  — 


“The  whole  education  of  women  ought  to  be  relative  to  men. 
To  please  them,  to  be  useful  to  them,  to  make  themselves  loved 
and  honored  by  them,  to  educate  them  when  young,  to  care  for 
them  when  grown,  to  counsel  them,  to  console  them,  to  make  life 
agreeable  and  sweet  to  them  —  these  are  the  duties  of  women  at 
all  times,  and  what  should  be  taught  them  from  infancy.  ” 

Like  men,  women  should  be  given  adequate  bodily 
training,  but  rather  for  the  sake  of  physical  charms  and 
of  producing  vigorous  offspring  than  for  their  own 
development.  Their  instinctive  love  of  pleasing  through 
dress  should  be  made  of  service  by  teaching  them  sew¬ 
ing,  embroidery,  lace-work,  and  designing.  Further, 
“girls  ought  to  be  obedient  and  industrious,  and  they 
ought  early  to  be  brought  under  restraint.  Made  to 
obey  a  being  so  imperfect  as  man,  often  so  full  of  vices, 
and  always  so  full  of  faults,  they  ought  early  to  learn 
to  suffer  even  injustice,  and  endure  the  wrongs  of  a 
husband  without  complaint.”  Girls  should  be  taught 
singing,  dancing,  and  other  accomplishments  that  will 
make  them  attractive  without  interfering  with  their 
submissiveness.  They  should  be  instructed  dogmati- 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  97 


cally  in  religion  at  an  early  age.  “  Every  daughter 
should  have  the  religion  of  her  mother,  and  every  wife 
that  of  her  husband. ”  In  ethical  matters  they  should 
be  largely  guided  by  public  opinion.  A  woman  may 
not  learn  philosophy,  art,  or  science,  but  she  should 
study  men.  “She  must  learn  to  penetrate  their  feelings 
through  their  conversation,  their  actions,  their  looks, 
and  their  gestures,  and  know  how  to  give  them  the 
feelings  which  are  pleasing  to  her,  without  even  seeming 
to  think  of  them.” 

Such  was  Rousseau’s  notion  of  a  natural  and  indi¬ 
vidualistic  education  for  a  man  and  the  passive  and 
repressive  training  suitable  for  a  woman,  and  of  the 
happiness  and  prosperity  that  were  bound  to  ensue.1 
To  make  a  fair  estimate  of  the  Emile  is  not  easy.  It  is 
necessary  to  put  aside  all  of  one’s  prejudices  against  the 
weak  and  offensive  personality  of  the  author  and  to 
view  the  contradictions  of  his  life  and  writings  in  their 
true  perspective.  His  work  on  education  is  probably 
the  most  extraordinary  union  of  strength  and  weakness, 
fascination  and  repulsion,  high  ideals  and  unpracticality, 

1  Later  on,  Rousseau  seems  to  have  had  misgivings  as  to  the  effect  of 
this  training,  and  started  a  work  called  Emile  and  Sophie ,  or  the  Solitaries. 
This  consists  of  a  series  of  letters  from  Emile  to  his  tutor,  in  which  Rous¬ 
seau  endeavors  to  show  how,  even  if  adversity  should  overtake  his  pupil, 
the  natural  education  would  still  be  the  best.  At  every  turn  Emile  rises 
superior  to  his  misfortunes,  exhibits  the  most  valuable  knowledge  and 
resources,  and  comes  rapidly  into  places  of  honor  and  emolument. 

H 


The  defects 
in  the  Emile 
are  out¬ 
weighed  by 
its  merits : 


98  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


that  was  ever  produced.  But  its  errors  and  illusions  are 

fully  outweighed  by  great  truths  and  lofty  sentiments, 

% 

and,  in  making  an  appraisal,  one  should  offset  the  grave 
defects  of  the  book  by  its  still  larger  merits. 


The  Merits  and  Defects  of  the  Emile 


It  is  most 
illogical,  but 
brilliant  and 
convincing. 


The  Emile,  it  must  be  admitted  at  the  start,  is  often 
illogical,  erratic,  and  inconsistent.  Rousseau  constantly 
sways  from  optimism  to  pessimism,  from  spontaneity 
to  authority,  from  liberalism  to  intolerance.  While  he 
holds  that  society  is  thoroughly  corrupt,  he  has  great 
confidence  in  the  goodness  of  all  individuals  of  which  it 
is  composed.  In  the  face  of  history  and  psychology,  he 
opposes  nature  to  culture,  and  creates  a  dualism  between 
emotion  and  reason.  Although  the  instincts  and  re¬ 
actions  of  Emile  are  apparently  given  free  play,  they 
are  really  under  the  constant  guidance  of  his  tutor. 
The  supposed  isolation  of  the  pupil  is  conveniently  for¬ 
gotten  on  occasion  by  attendance  at  fairs,  parties,  and 
competitions  with  his  fellows.  Emile  is  to  have  his 
individuality  developed  to  its  utmost,  but  Sophie’s  is  to 
be  trained  out  of  her.  However,  in  spite  of  such  glaring 
inconsistencies,  the  Emile  has  at  all  times  been  ac¬ 
counted  a  work  of  great  richness  and  power.  The 
brilliant  thought,  the  underlying  wisdom  of  many  of 
his  suggestions,  the  sentimental  appeal,  and  the  clear, 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  99 


enthusiastic,  and  ardent  presentation  have  completely 
overbalanced  its  contradictions  and  logical  deficien¬ 
cies. 

The  most  marked  feature  of  the  Rousselian  education  itisanti- 
and  the  one  most  subject  to  criticism  has  been  its  ex-  tradition  had 
treme  revolt  against  civilization  and  all  social  control.  l^d ane^’ 
A  state  of  nature  is  held  to  be  the  ideal  condition,  and  tri^wa^" 
all  social  relations  are  regarded  as  degenerate.  The  necessar7- 
child  is  to  be  brought  up  in  isolation  by  the  laws  of 
brute  necessity  and  to  have  no  social  or  political  educa¬ 
tion  until  he  is  fifteen,  when  an  impossible  set  of  expe¬ 
dients  for  bringing  him  into  touch  with  his  fellows  is 
devised.  The  absurdity  of  this  anti-social  education 
has  always  been  keenly  felt.  Children  cannot  be 
reared  in  a  social  vacuum,  nor  can  they  be  trained 
merely  as  world  citizens  to  the  complete  exclusion  of 
specific  governmental  authority.  And  although  society 
may  become  stereotyped  and  corrupt,  it  yet  furnishes 
the  means  of  carrying  the  accumulated  race  experience 
and  attainments.  One  should  remember,  however,  that 
the  times  and  the  cause  had  need  of  just  so  extreme  a 
doctrine.  The  reformer  is  often  forced  to  assume  the 
position  of  a  fanatic,  in  order  to  secure  attention  for  his 
propaganda.  Had  Rousseau’s  cry  been  uttered  a  gen¬ 
eration  later,  when  society  had  become  less  artificial 
and  more  responsive  to  popular  rights,  it  might  have 
contained  less  exaggeration.  But  at  the  time  such 


ioo  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


It  rejects 
books  and 
the  experi¬ 
ence  of  the 
past,  but  it 
develops 
observation 
and  inference 
and  physical 
activity. 


It  fails  to 
understand 
children,  but 


individualism  alone  could  enable  him  to  break  the 
bondage  to  the  past.  By  means  of  paradoxes  and 
exaggerations  he  was  able  to  emphasize  the  crying 
need  of  a  natural  development  of  man,  and  to  tear 
down  the  effete  traditions  in  educational  organiza¬ 
tion,  content,  and  methods.  Moreover,  the  fallacy 
involved  in  such  an  isolated  education  is  too  pal¬ 
pable  to  deceive  any  one,  and  is  scarcely  sufficient 
for  condemning  Rousseau.  On  the  contrary,  those 
who  have  most  admired  him  and  endeavored  to  de¬ 
velop  his  theories  —  Basedow,  Pestalozzi,  Herbart,  and 
Froebel  —  have  all  most  insistently  stressed  social  activ¬ 
ities  in  the  training  of  children. 

About  this  position  of  natural  and  unsocial  education 
described  in  the  Emile  cluster  several  elements  of  weak¬ 
ness  and  strength.  In  the  first  place,  Rousseau  is  abso¬ 
lutely  opposed  to  all  book  learning  and  exaggerates  the 
value  of  personal  observation  and  inference.  He  con¬ 
sequently  neglects  the  past,  and  robs  the  pupil  of  all 
the  experience  of  his  fellows  and  of  those  who  have 
gone  before.  But  he  develops  the  details  of  obser¬ 
vational  and  experimental  work  in  elementary  training 
to  an  extent  never  previously  undertaken,  and  em¬ 
phasizes  physical  activity  as  a  means  to  the  growth  and 
intellectual  development  of  children. 

Again,  a  fact  of  far  greater  importance  is  that,  although 
Rousseau’s  knowledge  of  children  was  exceedingly  defec- 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  ioi 


tive,1  and  his  recommendations  were  marred  by  unnat¬ 
ural  breaks  and  filled  with  sentimentality,  he  saw  the 
need  of  studying  the  child  as  the  only  basis  for  edu¬ 
cation.  In  the  Preface  to  the  Emile  he  declares :  — 

“We  do  not  know  childhood.  Acting  on  the  false  ideas  we 
have  of  it,  the  farther  we  go  the  farther  we  wander  from  the  right 
path.  The  wisest  among  us  are  engrossed  in  what  the  adult  needs 
to  know  and  fail  to  consider  what  children  are  able  to  apprehend. 
We  are  always  looking  for  the  man  in  the  child,  without  thinking 
of  what  he  is  before  he  becomes  a  man.  This  is  the  study  to  which 
I  have  devoted  myself,  to  the  end  that,  even  though  my  whole 
method  may  be  chimerical  and  false,  the  reader  may  still  profit 
by  my  observations.  I  may  have  a  very  poor  conception  of  what 
ought  to  be  done,  but  I  think  I  have  the  correct  view  of  the  subject 
on  which  we  are  to  work.  Begin,  then,  by  studying  your  pupils 
more  thoroughly,  for  assuredly  you  know  nothing  about  them. 
Now  if  you  read  this  book  of  mine  with  this  purpose  in  view,  I  do 
not  believe  it  will  be  without  profit  to  you.” 

As  a  result  of  such  appeals  the  child  has  become  the 
center  of  discussion  in  modern  training,  and  we  may 
thank  Rousseau  for  introducing  a  new  principle  into 
education.  And,  despite  his  limitations  and  prejudices, 
this  unnatural  and  neglectful  parent  stated  many  details 
of  child  development  with  much  force  and  clearness 
and  gave  an  impetus  to  later  reformers,  who  were  able 
to  correct  his  observations  and  make  them  more  prac¬ 
ticable  in  education. 

1  His  Confessions  tell  us  how  he  declined  to  rear  his  own  children,  but 
consigned  all  five  to  the  public  foundling  asylum. 


starts  the 
study  of  their 
develop¬ 
ment,  — 


a  new  prin¬ 
ciple  in  edu 
cation ; 


102  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


and,  while 
dividing  the 
pupil’s  devel¬ 
opment  into 
too  definite 
stages,  it 
shows 
that  there 
are  charac¬ 
teristic  differ¬ 
ences  at 
different 
stages. 


Its  religion  is 
cold,  but 
lofty;  and 
replaced  the 
traditional- 
ized  Chris¬ 
tianity  and 
rationalism 
of  the  times. 


In  this  connection  may  be  mentioned  the  sharp  divi¬ 
sion  that  Rousseau  makes  of  the  pupil’s  development 
into  definite  stages  that  seem  but  little  connected  with 
one  another  and  his  prescription  of  a  distinct  education 
for  each  period.  This  is  often  cited  as  a  ruinous  breach 
in  the  evolution  of  the  individual,  and  the  reductio  ad 
absurdum  of  such  an  atomic  training  would  seem  to  be 
reached  in  his  hope  of  rendering  Emile  warm-hearted 
and  pious  after  keeping  him  in  the  meshes  of  self-interest 
and  doubt  until  he  is  fifteen.  But  such  a  criticism  loses 
sight  of  the  remarkable  contribution  to  educational 
theory  and  practice  made  thereby.  Rousseau  has  shown 
that  there  are  characteristic  differences  at  different 
stages  in  the  child’s  life,  but  each  ‘has  a  perfection  or 
maturity  of  its  own,’  and  that  only  as  the  proper  activi¬ 
ties  are  provided  for  each  stage  will  it  reach  that  ma¬ 
turity  or  perfection.  It  can  be  seen  how  these  prin¬ 
ciples  fulfill  his  contention  that  the  child  must  be  studied, 
and,  if  put  into  effect,  they  would  demolish  the  type  of 
education  which  then  was  struggling  to  introduce  the 
pupil  into  studies  and  activities  far  in  advance  of  his 
interests  and  capacities. 

Finally,  we  should,  on  the  whole,  commend  Rous¬ 
seau’s  religion  of  nature  and  deism.  While  it  is  lacking 
in  warmth,  reality,  and  power,  it  did  much  to  replace 
the  institutionalized  and  dogmatic  Christianity,  which 
had  been  overwhelmed  by  the  attacks  of  rationalism, 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  103 

with  a  pure,  lofty,  and  tolerant  faith.  His  mysterious 
Being  penetrating  all  nature  would  seem  a  deity  too 
vague  and  too  removed  to  be  of  comfort  and  refresh¬ 
ment  to  human  souls,  but  it  was  sufficient  to  purify  the 
dying  hierarchical  system  and  duly  stress  the  common 
interests  of  humanity. 

The  Influence  of  Rousseau  upon  Society  and  Literature 

So  revolutionary  a  work  as  the  Emile  could  hardly 
escape  the  wrath  of  the  despotic  government  and  hier¬ 
archy.  The  month  following  its  publication,  the  Par¬ 
liament  1  of  Paris  ordered  the  book  to  be  burnt  and  its 
writer  arrested  on  the  charge  of  irreligion,  and  shortly 
afterward  the  theological  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne  and 
the  Archbishop  of  Paris  likewise  condemned  it.  Rous¬ 
seau  avoided  arrest  by, fleeing  from  Montmorency,  and 
from  that  time  until  his  death  was  driven  from  pillar 
to  post,  at  first  by  the  tyranny  of  the  rulers  in  Church 
and  State,  and  later  by  his  own  morbid  imagination. 
He  would  have  taken  asylum  in  Geneva,  but  he  found, 
upon  reaching  Yverdun,  that  the  Council  had  closed 
the  gates  of  his  native  city  to  him,  and  decreed  the  burn¬ 
ing  of  both  the  Emile  and  the  Social  Contract.  A  similar 

1  These  local  parlements,  of  which  that  of  Paris  was  the  most  important, 
were  primarily  higher  law  courts,  but,  in  addition  to  trying  cases,  they 
claimed  the  right  to  register  or  disapprove  the  decrees  of  the  king,  and 
maintained  certain  other  legislative  powers. 


The  Emile 
was  con¬ 
demned  by 
both  the 
political  and 
the'theologi- 
cal  authori¬ 
ties,  and 
Rousseau 
was  driven 
into  exile  un 
til  his  death. 


104  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Yet  no  works 
have  had  a 
wider  influ¬ 
ence  upon 
society  than 
those  of 
Rousseau. 


persecution  met  him  wherever  he  went  in  Switzerland, 
and  in  17 66  he  fled  to  England  at  the  invitation  of  the 
philosopher  Hume.  Here  he  soon  imagined  himself  the 
victim  of  a  plot,  and  returned  to  France,  where  for  more 
than  a  decade  he  wandered  about  in  the  vicinity  of  Paris. 
In  1778  he  died  and  was  buried  at  Ermenonville.  Fif¬ 
teen  years  later,  during  the  Reign  of  Terror,  he  was 
hailed  as  a  liberator,  and  his  mortal  remains  were  borne 
in  triumph  back  to  Paris  by  the  revolutionists.  There 
they  were  laid  to  rest  in  the  Pantheon,  the  temple 
dedicated  by  France  to  her  greatest  sons. 

This  recognition  was  late,  but  deserved.  No  other 
person,  indeed,  has  ever  approached  Rousseau  in  point¬ 
ing  out  the  cares  and  distresses  of  the  poor  and  op- 
pressed,  as  they  drag  along  their  existence  and  produce 
the  prosperity  which  is#  concentrated  in  the  hands  of  a 
small  but  privileged  group.  works  besides  his 

treatises  have  so  graphically  depicted  the  need  for  a 
change  of  front  in  society,  or  sounded  such  a  clarion 
call  to  the  downtrodden  to  arise  in  battle.  His  anarchic 
and  unsocial  individualism  complemented  the  rational¬ 
ism  and  intellectual  skepticism  of  Voltaire,  and  there 
resulted  a  furious  revolution  and  a  blind  reaction  to  the 
decadent  order  of  society.  Roussea^  may  not  have 
caused  the  French  Revolution,  but,  ate  Napoleon  de¬ 
clared,  it  would  have  been  impossible\without  him. 
His  brilliant  and  emotional  naturalism  crystallized  the 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  105 


spirit  of  the  times.  It  furnished  the  watchwords  of 
the  Jacobins  and  later  of  the  Committee  of  Public 
Safety,  and  shook  France  from  center  to  circumference. 
Similarly,  America,  although  inheriting  her  love  of 
liberty  from  Anglo-Saxon  ancestry,  expressed  her  con¬ 
victions  in  formulas  taken  from  the  works  of  Rousseau. 
The  American  colonies  seem  to  have  assimilated  the 
ideas,  phrases,  and  even  words  1  of  the  Gallic  revolu¬ 
tionists  and  echoed  them  in  the  Declaration  of  Inde¬ 
pendence,  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  and  in  various 
documents  and  debates. 

In  many  other  ways  the  influence  of  Rousseau  has 
been  felt.  While  he  has  left  no  direct  impress  upon  the 
tenets  of  political  science,  he  has  raised  many  inquiries 
in  that  subject  that  have  since  had  to  be  answered. 
He  is  largely  responsible  for  the  conception  of  socialism 
and  of  philosophic  anarchy,  although  his  economic 
writings  do  not  advocate  either  in  specific  terms.  In 
religion,  the  modern  tendency  to  emphasize  the  emo¬ 
tional  element,  and  at  the  same  time  to  reject  doctrines, 
ritualism,  and  extreme  organization  received  an  impetus 
from  Rousseau.  To  him  is  largely  due  the  development 
of  romanticism  in  the  literature  of  the  late  eighteenth 
and  early  nineteenth  centuries.  During  that  period 
sentimentality,  heroicism,  personal  adventures,  domi¬ 
nance  of  the  emotions,  analysis  of  the  passions,  and 

1  For  example,  ‘life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.’ 


Rousseau  has 
also  indi¬ 
rectly 

affected  po¬ 
litical  science, 
theology, 
and  litera¬ 
ture. 


But  he  has 
especially  in¬ 
fluenced  edu¬ 
cation  in  its 
organization, 
aim,  method, 
and  content. 


106  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 

inner  conflicts  pervade  the  writings  of  France,  Germany, 
England,  and  America.  Likewise,  the  descriptions  of 
scenery  and  natural  environment,  and  of  the  charm  of 
the  country,  mountains,  and  lakes  in  literature,  and  the 
love  for  the  natural,  picturesque,  and  rural  in  art  and 
architecture,  largely  find  their  beginnings  in  Rousseau’s 
naturalism. 

His  Influence  upon  Educational  Theory  and  Practice 

But  the  most  complete  revolution  and  the  most 
potent  effects  of  Rousselianism  appear  in  educational 
theory  and  practice.  Few  men  have  had  as  great  an 
influence  upon  the  organization,  method,  and  content  of 
education.  Although  his  mission  was  largely  to  destroy 
traditionalism,  and  most  of  the  specific  features  of  his 
naturalism  have  in  time  been  modified  or  rejected, 
many  of  the  important  principles  in  modern  pedagogy 
go  back  to  him.  His  criticism  caused  men  to  rush  to 
the  defense  of  existing  systems,  and  when  they  failed 
in  their  attempts  to  reinstate  them,  they  undertook  the 
construction  of  something  better.  In  the  first  place, 
his  attitude  toward  the  artificial,  superficial,  and  in¬ 
human  society  of  the  times  led  him  to  oppose  its  arbi¬ 
trary  authority  and  guidance  of  education  according  to 
an  unnatural  and  traditional  organization.  He  advo¬ 
cated  the  virtues  of  the  primitive  man  and  a  simpler 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  107 


basis  of  social  organization,  and  held  that  all  members 
of  society  should  be  trained  so  as  to  contribute  to  their 
own  support  and  to  be  sympathetic  and  benevolent 
toward  their  fellows.  Through  him  education  has  thus 
been  more  closely  related  to  human  welfare.  The 
present-day  emphasis  upon  the  moral  aim  of  education, 
the  cultivation  of  social  virtues,  and  the  development  of 
industrial  education  alike  find  some  of  their  roots  in 
the  Emile.  On  the  side  of  method  and  content  also, 
education  is  indebted  to  the  naturalism  of  Rousseau. 
He  first  insisted  upon  the  study  of  children  as  funda¬ 
mental  in  education,  and  showed  that  the  material  or 
activities  provided  must  be  in  keeping  with  the  dif¬ 
ferent  stages  of  development.  Rousseau  may,  there¬ 
fore,  be  credited  in  part  with  the  modern  regard  for  the 
freedom  of  the  child  and  the  study  of  his  psychological 
development.  Through  him  we  have  come  to  abandon 
the  conception  of  the  child  as  only  an  adult  on  a  small 
scale.  We  may  thank  the  Emile  to  some  extent,  too, 
for  the  increasing  tendency  to  cease  from  forcing  upon 
children  a  fixed  method  of  thinking,  feeling,  and  acting, 
and  for  the  gradual  disappearance  of  the  old  ideas  that 
a  task  is  of  educational  value  according  as  it  is  dis¬ 
tasteful,  and  that  real  education  consists  in  straining  to  / 
overcome  meaningless  difficulties.1  It  is  likewise  due  to 
him  primarily  that  we  have  recognized  the  need  of  physi- 

1  See  pp.  63  ff. 


io8  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


This  is  shown 
by  the  in¬ 
crease  in  the 
works  on 
education 
since  the 
Emile  was 
published  ; 


\ 


and  by  the 
French  ‘com¬ 
plaints’  and 
legislation. 


cal  activities,  especially  in  the  earlier  development  of 
the  child,  as  a  foundation  for  its  growth  and  learning. 
Further,  it  is  the  education  of  Emile  that  suggested 
familiarity  with  nature  and  natural  phenomena  as  a 
means  of  counterbalancing  the  corrupt  action  of  man, 
and,  partly  as  a  result  of  this,  schools  and  colleges  have 
come  to  include  the  study  of  physical  forces,  natural 
environment,  plants,  and  animals. 

The  great  influence  of  Rousseau  upon  education  in  all 
its  aspects  is  shown  by  the  library  of  books  since  writ¬ 
ten  to  contradict,  correct,  or  disseminate  his  doctrines. 
During  the  quarter  of  a  century  following  the  publica¬ 
tion  of  the  Emile ,  probably  more  than  twice  as  many 
books  upon  education  were  published  as  in  the  preceding 
three-quarters  of  a  century.  This  epoch-making  work 
created  and  forced  a  rich  harvest  of  educational  thinking 
for  a  century  after  its  appearance,  and  it  has  affected 
our  ideas  upon  pedagogical  subjects  from  that  day  to 
this.  But  Rousseau’s  principles  did  not  take  immediate 
root  in  the  schools  themselves,  although  their  influence 
is  manifest  there  as  the  nineteenth  century  advanced. 
In  France  they  were  apparent  in  the  complaints  and 
recommendations  concerning  schools  in  many  of  the 
cahiers  1  that  were  issued  just  prior  to  the  Revolution, 


1  These  were  lists  of  grievances  and  desired  reforms  prepared  by  the 
various  towns  and  villages  throughout  France  at  the  request  of  the  king 
(Louis  XVI),  in  accordance  with  an  old  custom. 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  109 


and  afterward  clearly  formed  a  basis  for  much  of  the 
legislation  concerning  the  universal,  free,  and  secular  or¬ 
ganization  of  educational  institutions.  In  England,  since 
there  was  no  national  system  of  schools,  little  direct 
impression  was  made  upon  educational  practice,  but  in 
America  this  revolutionary  thought  would  seem  to  have 
had  much  to  do  with  causing  the  unrest  that  resulted 
in  secularizing  and  universalizing  the  public  system  and 
in  producing  the  foundation  for  the  first  public  ‘high’ 
schools.1  The  first  definite  attempt,  however,  to  put 
into  actual  practice  the  naturalistic  education  of  Rous¬ 
seau  occurred  in  Germany  through  the  writings  of  Base¬ 
dow  and  the  foundation  of  the  ‘Philanthropinum,’  and 
is  of  sufficient  importance  to  demand  separate  discus¬ 
sion  in  another  chapter. 

The  Revolutionary  Nature  of  Rousseau’s  Doctrines 

It  should,  however,  be  noted  here  that  the  work  of 
Rousseau  was  bound  up  in  a^revolution  from  the  society, 
traditions,  and  education  of  the  past.  His  theories 
involved  a  destruction  of  the  old  social  and  moral 
sanctions,  but  did  not  directly  supply  much  to  take  their 
place.  A  new  social  order,  philosophy,  and  education 
were  needed  to  bring  about  truth  and  freedom  and  a 
reconstructed  view  of  the  world.  The  individual  had 
demanded  free  sway,  and  it  was  now  necessary  to  adjust 

1  See  Brown,  Making  of  Our  Middle  Schools,  Chaps.  X  and  XIII-XIV. 


and  the 
American 
seculariza¬ 
tion  and 
univer¬ 
salizing  of 
education. 


Rousseau’s 
doctrines 
made  the 
reaction  to 
the  Middle 
Ages  logi¬ 
cally  com¬ 
plete. 


no  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


him  to  his  environment  without  repressing  his  develop¬ 
ment.  The  transition  from  mediaevalism  thus  became 
logically  complete.  It  appeared  about  the  middle  of  the 
fourteenth  century,  and,  proceeding  through  a  series  of 
interconnected  and  overlapping  advances  followed  by 
retrogressions  —  Renaissance,  Reformation,  Realism, 
Puritanism,  Pietism,  and  Rationalism,  —  reached  a  gen¬ 
uinely  destructive  stage  in  Rousselianism  toward  the 
end  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Evolution  had  failed, 
and  revolution  resulted,  but  through  this  was  opened 
the  vista  of  reconstruction  on  the  modern  basis. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  Sources 

*Rousseau,  J.  J.  Confessions,  Letters,  and  Reveries;  Discourse 
on  the  Sciences  and  Arts,  and  Discourse  on  Inequality ;  The 
New  Heloise,  Social  Contract,  and  Emile. 

II.  Authorities 

Barnard,  H.  American  J  owned  of  Education.  Vol.  V,  pp.  459- 
486.  Or  German  Teachers  and  Educators.  Pp.  459-486. 
Brougham,  H.  Rousseau  {Lives  of  Men  of  Letters). 

Browning,  O.  An  Introduction  to  the  History  of  Educational 
Theories.  Chap.  IX. 

Brunetiere,  F.  Manual  of  the  History  of  French  Literature. 

(Translated  by  Derechif.)  Pp.  333-414. 

Cairo,  C.  Literature  and  Philosophy.  Vol.  I,  pp.  105-146. 
Compayre,  G.  History  of  Pedagogy.  (Translated  by  Payne.) 
Chap.  XIII. 


ROUSSEAU  AND  NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  hi 


Compayre,  G.  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  and  Education  from 
Nature.  (Translated  by  Jago.) 

*Davtdson,  T.  Rousseau  and  Education  according  to  Nature. 

Francke,  K.  Social  Forces  in  German  Literature.  Chaps.  VII- 
VIII. 

Giraldin,  St.  M.  J.  J.  Rousseau,  sa  vie  et  ses  ouvrages. 

^Hudson,  W.  H.  Rousseau  and  Naturalism  in  Life  and  Thought. 

..  Lang,  O.  H.  Rousseau  and  his  Emile. 

Lincoln,  C.  H.  Rousseau  and  the  French  Revolution  (. Annals  of 
the  American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science,  X,  pp. 
54-72). 

*Macdonald,  F.  Studies  in  the  France  of  Voltaire  and  Rousseau. 
Chaps.  II  and  VII. 

Monroe,  P.  Textbook  in  the  History  of  Education.  Chap.  X. 

Morin,  S.  H.  Life  and  Character  of  Rousseau  ( LittelVs  Living 
Age,  XXXVIII,  pp.  259-264). 

*Morley,  J.  Rousseau. 

*Munroe,  J.  P.  The  Educational  Ideal.  Chap.  VII. 

Parker,  S.  C.  Our  Inherited  Practice  in  Elementary  Schools.  II 
and  III  ( Elementary  School  Teacher,  November,  1909,  and 
January,  1910). 

Quick,  R.  H.  Educational  Reformers.  Chap.  XIV. 

Schlosser,  F.  C.  History  of  the  Eighteenth  Century.  Vols.  I 
and  II. 

Texte,  J.  Rousseau  and  the  Cosmopolitan  Spirit.  (Translated 
by  Matthews.)  Bk.  I. 

Weir,  S.  The  Key  to  Rousseau’s  Emile  (. Educational  Review , 
V,  pp.  278-290). j 


CHAPTER  VIII 


I 


Basedow 
proved  unor¬ 
thodox  in 
theology  and 
turned  to  the 
profession  of 
teaching. 


BASEDOW  AND  THE  PHILANTHROPINUM 

Johann  Bernhard  Basedow  (1723-1790)  was  by  nature 
the  very  sort  of  person  to  be  captivated  by  Rousseau’s 
doctrines.  He  was  talented  but  erratic,  unorthodox, 
tactless,  and  irregular  in  life.  He  was  the  son  of  a 
Hamburg  wigmaker,  but  refused  to  follow  his  father’s 
business  and  ran  away.  A  gentleman  with  whom  he 
took  service  discovered  his  remarkable  ability  and  per¬ 
suaded  the  lad’s  father  to  educate  him.  After  due  prep¬ 
aration  at  home,  Basedow  was  sent  to  the  University  of 
Leipzig  for  a  theological  training,  but  soon  proved  heret¬ 
ical  and  again  rejected  the  vocation  chosen  for  him. 
He  then  (1749)  became  a  tutor  in  Holstein  to  a  Herr 
von  Quaalen’s  children,  and  with  these  aristocratic 
pupils  first  developed  his  famous  methods  of  teaching 
through  conversation  and  play  connected  with  sur¬ 
rounding  objects.  Within  four  years  his  patron  secured 
for  him  a  professorship  at  the  Ritterakademie  1  of  Soroe, 
Denmark,  but  by  1761  he  had  given  such  serious  offense 
by  his  unorthodox  utterances  that  the  government  felt 
obliged  to  transfer  him  to  the  Gymnasium  at  Altona. 

1  For  the  nature  and  development  of  Ritter akademien,  see  Graves, 
History  of  Education  during  the  Transition ,  pp.  290  f. 


112 


BASEDOW  AND  THE  PHILANTHROPINUM  113 


From  his  position  here  he  flooded  Germany  with  a 
variety  of  heretical  essays,  and  was  eventually  refused 
the  sacrament  by  the  Church. 

Basedow’s  Educational  Reforms  and  Writings 

About  this  time,  however,  Basedow  fell  under  the 
spell  of  Rousseau’s  Emile,  which  was  most  congenial  to 
his  methods  of  thinking  and  teaching,  and  turned  to 
educational  reform.  The  schools  of  the  day  were  sadly 
in  need  of  just  such  an  antidote  as  naturalism  was  cal¬ 
culated  to  furnish.  The  rooms  were  dismal  and  the 
work  unpleasant,  physical  training  was  neglected,  and 
the  discipline  was  severe.  Children  were  regarded  as 
adults  in  miniature,  and  were  so  treated  both  in  their 
dress  and  their  education.  The  boys  had  their  hair 
curled,  powdered,  and  smeared  with  pomade,  and  wore 
embroidered  coats,  dainty  knee  breeches,  silk  stockings, 
and  swords.  A  boy  standing  by  his  father  would  have 
seemed  to  differ  only  in  size.  Little  girls  were  bound 
up  in  whalebone  waists,  donned  enormous  hoop  skirts, 
and  wore  upon  their  heads  “a  combination  of  false  curls, 
puffs,  and  knots  fastened  with  pins  and  crowned  with 
plumes.”  Education  was  largely  a  matter  of  instruction 
in  artificial  deportment.1  The  study  of  classics  com- 

1  For  a  more  complete  description  of  the  children’s  dress  of  these  times 
and  of  this  ‘dancing-master’  education,  see  Parker,  Our  Inherited  Practice 
in  Elementary  Schools  {Elementary  School  Teacher ,  November,  1909). 


At  the  Gym¬ 
nasium  of 
Altona  he 
was,  through 
the  Emile,  in¬ 
spired  to 
reform  the 
unnatural 
education  of 
the  day. 


1 14  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Through  his 
Address  on 
Schools  he 
raised  a 
sufficient 
subsidy  to 
publish  his 
Elementar- 
werk  and 
Methoden- 
buch. 


The  Elemen- 
taruoerk  con¬ 
tains  prin¬ 
ciples  from 
Comenius  as 
well  as  Rous¬ 
seau,  and  the 
Methodenbuch 
does  not  fol¬ 
low  Rousseau 
literally. 


posed  the  entire  intellectual  curriculum,  and  the  methods 
were  purely  grammatical. 

As  a  result,  Basedow’s  suggestions  for  educational 
improvement  attained  as  great  popularity  as  his  theo¬ 
logical  productions  had  received  abuse.  After  1767  he 
was  allowed  by  Bernstorff,  the  Minister  of  Education, 
to  give  all  his  time  to  reform  and  yet  retain  his  salary. 
The  following  year,  in  his  Address  on  Schools  and  Studies , 
and  their  Influence  on  Public  Happiness ,  he  called  gen¬ 
erally  upon  princes,  governments,  ecclesiastics,  and 
others  in  power,  to  assist  him  in  bringing  out  a  work 
on  elementary  education,  the  plan  of  which  was  de¬ 
scribed  in  outline.  The  emperor  of  his  native  land,  the 
sovereign  of  his  adopted  country,  and  several  other 
rulers  of  Europe,  together  with  such  prominent  persons 
as  Bernstorff,  Behrisch,  Lavater,  Goethe,  and  Kant, 
showed  great  interest,  and  a  subsidy  to  the  sum  of  ten 
thousand  dollars  was  speedily  raised.  Six  years  later, 
Basedow  completed  his  promised  textbook,  Elementar- 
werk,  and  the  companion  work  for  teachers  and  parents 
known  as  Methodenbuch.  The  Elementarwerk  was  issued 
in  four  volumes  with  one  hundred  accompanying  plates, 
which  were  too  large  to  be  bound  in  with  it,  and  con¬ 
tained  many  of  the  principles  of  Comenius  as  well  as 
of  Rousseau.  It  has,  in  fact,  been  referred  to  as  The 
Orbis  P ictus  1  of  the  eighteenth  century,’  and  gives  a 
1  See  p.  31  for  the  Orbis  Sensualium  Pictus  and  its  method. 


BASEDOW  AND  THE  PHILANTHROPINUM  115 


knowledge  of  things  and  words  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue. 
It  deals  first  with  natural  phenomena  and  forces,  then 
with  morals  and  the  mind,  and  the  method  of  instruc¬ 
tion  in  natural  religion,  and  finally  with  social  duties, 
commerce,  and  affairs.  The  Methodenbuch ,  while  not 
following  Rousseau  literally,  contains  many  ideas  con¬ 
cerning  the  natural  training  of  children  that  are  sugges¬ 
tive  of  him.  Later,  Basedow,  together  with  Campe, 
Salzmann,  and  others  of  his  followers,  also  produced  a 
series  of  popular  books  especially  adapted  to  the  char¬ 
acter,  interests,  and  needs  of  children.  Of  these  works, 
which  are  all  largely  filled  with  didactics,  moralizing, 
religiosity,  and  scraps  of  scientific  information,  the  best 
known  is  Robinson  der  Jiingere ,  more  often  called  Swiss 
Family  Robinson  in  America.  It  seems  to  have  been 
suggested  by  Rousseau’s  recommendation  of  Robinson 
Crusoe  as  a  textbook,1  and  was  published  by  Campe  in 

1 779* 


His  followers 
produced 
children’s 
books,  — 
among  them, 
Swiss  Family 
Robinson 
in  imitation  of 
Robinson 
Crusoe . 


The  Course  and  Methods  of  the  Philanthropinum 


Eight  years  before  this,  however,  Behrisch  had  in¬ 
duced  Prince  Leopold  Friedrich  Franz  to  allow  Basedow 
to  found  at  Dessau  an  educational  institution,  called  the 
‘Philanthropinum,’  which  should  embody  that  reformer’s 
ideas.  Leopold  granted  him  a  salary  of  eleven  hundred 


Through 
Prince  Leo¬ 
pold,  Base¬ 
dow  founded 
the  ‘  Philan¬ 
thropinum’ 
at  Dessau,  to 
embody  his 
ideas. 


1  See  p.  93. 


Il6  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


The  aim  of 
the  school 
was  to  direct 
and  not  sup¬ 
press  the 
natural 


thalers,1  and  three  years  later  gave  him  an  equipment  of 
buildings,  grounds,  and  endowment.  At  first  Basedow 
had  but  three  assistants,  but  later  the  number  was  con¬ 
siderably  increased.  The  staff  then  included  several 
very  able  men,  — ■  such  as  Wolke,  who  had  taught  at 
Leipzig;  Campe,  chaplain  at  Potsdam;  Salzmann,  who 
had  been  a  professor  at  Erfurt;  and  Matthison,  the 
poet.  The  attendance  at  the  Philanthropinum  was  very 
small  in  the  beginning,  since  the  institution  was  re¬ 
garded  as  an  experiment,  but  eventually  the  number  of 
pupils  rose  to  more  than  fifty.  They  came  from  many 
different  countries,  and  the  school  soon  had  a  wide 
reputation  throughout  Europe.  After  it  had  been  in 
existence  about  a  year  and  a  half,  Basedow  invited  the 
scholars  and  distinguished  men  from  everywhere  to 
attend  a  great  public  examination  and  determine  whether 
the  school  ought  to  continue.  There  are  extant  two 
accounts  of  this  inspection,  one  by  Professor  Schummel 
of  Magdeburg  and  the  other  by  Basedow  himself,  and 
from  these  we  gain  most  of  our  information  concerning 
the  institution. 

The  underlying  principle  of  the  school  was  “  every¬ 
thing  according  to  nature.”  The  natural  instincts  and 
interests  of  the  children  were  only  to  be  directed  and 
not  altogether  suppressed.  They  were  to  be  trained  as 

1  A  thaler  was  equivalent  to  about  three  shillings,  or  seventy-three 
cents. 


BASEDOW  AND  THE  PHILANTHROPINUM  117 


children  and  not  as  adults,  and  the  methods  of  learning 
were  to  be  adapted  to  their  stage  of  mentality.  That 
all  of  the  customary  unnaturalness,  discomfort,  and 
want  of  freedom  might  be  eliminated,  the  boys  were 
plainly  dressed  in  sailor  jackets  and  loose  trousers,  their 
collars  were  turned  down  and  were  open  at  the  neck, 
and  their  hair  was  cut  short  and  was  free  from  powder, 
pomade,  and  hair  bags. 

While  universal  education  was  believed  in,  and  rich 
and  poor  alike  were  to  be  trained,  it  was  felt  that  the 
natural  education  of  the  one  class  was  for  social  activity 
and  leadership,  and  of  the  other  for  teaching.  Conse¬ 
quently,  the  wealthy  boys  were  to  spend  six  hours  in 
school  and  two  in  manual  labor,  while  those  from  families 
of  small  means  labored  six  hours  and  studied  two. 
Every  one,  however,  was  taught  handicrafts  —  car¬ 
pentry,  turning,  planing,  and  threshing  —  as  a  recognition 
of  the  educative  value  of  constructive  work.  There 
were  also  physical  exercises  and  games  for  all.  On  the 
intellectual  side,  while  Latin  was  not  neglected,  more 
attention  was  paid  to  the  vernacular  and  French  than 
to  the  classics,  in  order  that  instruction  might  deal  with 
realities  rather  than  words.  According  to  the  Elemen- 
tarwerk,  Basedow  planned  to  create  a  wide  objective  and 
practical  course.  It  was  to  give  some  account  of  man, 
including  bits  of  anthropology,  anatomy,  and  physi¬ 
ology  ;  of  brute  creation,  especially  the  uses  of  domestic 


instincts  and 
interests. 


Universal 
education 
was  advo¬ 
cated,  but  so¬ 
cial  distinc¬ 
tions  were 
recognized. 


Every  one 
was  given 
industrial 
and  physical 
training, 
Latin  was 
subordinated 
to  modern 
languages, 
and  a  wide 
objective 
course  was 
planned. 


n8  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Languages 
were  taught 
by  conversa¬ 
tion, 

games,  and 
drawing ; 
arithmetic  by 
mental 
methods; 
geometry  by 
drawing  ; 
geography  by 
extending 
out  from 
home;  and 
deism  by  con¬ 
fining  the 
pupils 
from  nature 
for  a  time. 


animals  and  their  relation  to  industry;  of  trees  and 
plants,  with  their  growth,  culture,  and  products;  of 
minerals  and  chemicals ;  of  mathematical  and  physical 
instruments ;  and  of  trades,  history,  and  commerce.  He 
afterward  admitted  that  he  had  overestimated  the 
amount  of  content  that  was  possible  for  a  child,  and 
greatly  abridged  this  material.1 

The  most  striking  characteristic  of  the  school,  however, 
was  its  improved  methods.  Languages  were  taught  by 
speaking  and  then  by  reading,  and  grammar  was  not 
brought  in  until  late  in  the  course.  Facility  was  ac¬ 
quired  through  conversation,  games,  pictures,  drawing, 
acting  plays,  and  reading  on  practical  and  interesting 
subjects.  Similar  linguistic  methods  had  been  recom¬ 
mended  by  Montaigne,  Ratich,  and  Locke,  and  largely 
worked  out  by  Comenius,2  but  were  never  before  made 
as  practical  as  by  Basedow  and  his  assistants.  His  in¬ 
struction  in  arithmetic,  geometry,  geography,  physics, 
nature  study,  and  history  was  fully  as  progressive  as  that 
in  languages.  Arithmetic  was  taught  by  mental  meth¬ 
ods,  geometry  by  drawing  figures  accurately  and  neatly, 
and  geography  by  beginning  with  one’s  home,  and  ex¬ 
tending  out  into  the  neighborhood,  the  town,  the  country, 
and  the  continent.  In  a  similarly  direct  way  the  pupils 
were  instructed  in  matters  of  actual  life.  For  example, 

1  The  actual  program  of  each  day  is  given  in  full  in  Barnard,  German 
Teachers  and  Educators ,  pp.  519  f.  2  See  pp.  31  and  46. 


BASEDOW  AND  THE  PHILANTHROPINUM  119 


they  cast  lots  in  the  classroom  to  see  who  should  have 
the  privilege  of  describing  the  tools  and  processes  of  a 
trade  depicted  in  an  engraving.  Finally,  the  Philanthro- 
pinic  plan  for  teaching  the  naturalistic  religion  of  deism 
should  be  noted.  The  boys  were  prepared  for  learning 
of  the  existence  of  God  by  having  their  attention  turned 
to  various  features  and  phenomena  of  nature  and  being 
asked  what  caused  them.  Then  they  were  kept  in  the 
house  for  four  or  five  days  in  a  darkened  room,  so  that 
they  would  be  the  more  impressed  with  the  wonders  of 
creation  when  they  should  be  released  and  told  of  the 
God  whose  handiwork  it  was.1 

The  Influence  of  the  Philanthropinum 

Most  visitors  to  the  Philanthropinum  were  greatly 
pleased  with  the  institution,  especially  on  account  of  the 
interested  and  alert  appearance  of  the  pupils.  Kant  had 
such  high  expectations  of  its  results  as  to  declare  in  1777 
that  it  meant  “not  a  slow  reform,  but  a  quick  revolu¬ 
tion,”  and  felt  that  “by  the  plan  of  organization  it  must 
of  itself  throw  off  all  the  faults  which  belong  to  its  be¬ 
ginning.”  He  afterward  admitted  that  he  had  been  too 
optimistic,  but  he  still  felt  that  the  experiment  had  been 
well  worth  while,  and  had  paved  the  way  for  better  things. 

1  This  method  of  religious  education  was  first  practiced  by  Wolke,  but 
it  had  been  suggested  by  Basedow  in  the  Elementarwerk  (Part  I,  pp.  87- 
90). 


Great  expec¬ 
tations  were 
had  for  the 
school,  and 
it  proved  a 
great  stimu¬ 
lus  for 
younger 
children. 


120  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


The  Philan- 
thropinum 
was  soon 
closed,  but 
similar  insti¬ 
tutions 
sprang  up 
throughout 
Germany, 
and  many 
new  educa¬ 
tional  ideas 
arose. 


Although  it  may  not  have  served  well  for  older  pupils,  it 
was  certainly  excellent  in  its  stimulus  to  children  under 
ten  or  twelve,  who  too  often  are  naturally  averse  to  books, 
and  can  be  captured  only  by  such  appeals  to  the  senses 
and  to  nature. 

Basedow  proved  temperamentally  unfit  to  direct  the 
institution.  He  soon  left,  and  began  to  teach  privately 
in  Dessau  and  write  educational  works  along  the  lines 
he  had  started.  Campe,  who  first  superseded  him,  with¬ 
drew  within  the  year  to  found  a  similar  school  at  Ham¬ 
burg.  Institutions  of  the  same  type  sprang  up  elsewhere, 
and  some  of  them  had  a  large  influence  upon  education. 
In  1793  the  Philanthropinum  at  Dessau  was  closed  per¬ 
manently,  and  its  teachers  were  scattered  through  Ger¬ 
many.  Such  followers  as  Wolke,  Campe,  and  Salzmann 
carried  on  the  Philanthropinic  movement  with  great 
vigor.  On  account  of  its  popularity  it  was  adopted  by 
a  large  number  of  others,  who  unfortunately  were  often 
mountebanks.  They  prostituted  the  system  to  their 
own  ends,  and  the  profession  of  teaching  was  often 
degraded  by  them  into  a  mere  trade.  Nevertheless,  the 
Philanthropinum  seems  not  to  have  been  without  good 
results,  especially  when  we  consider  the  educational  con¬ 
ditions  and  the  pedagogy  of  the  times.  It  introduced 
many  new  ideas  into  all  parts  of  Germany  and  Switzer¬ 
land,  and  these  were  carefully  worked  out  by  such  re¬ 
formers  as  Pestalozzi,  Froebel,  and  Herbart.  Hence, 


BASEDOW  AND  THE  PHILANTHROPINUM  121 


despite  his  visionary  disposition,  his  intemperance,  and 
his  irregularity  of  living,  the  reformer  who  first  at¬ 
tempted  to  embody  the  valuable  aspects  of  Rousseau’s 
naturalism  in  the  education  of  Germany  was  Basedow, 
rather  than  Pestalozzi,  who  afterward  transformed  it  so 
much  more  successfully. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  Sources 

*Basedow,  J.  B.  Elementarwerk  and  Methodenbuch. 

Campe,  J.  H.  Robinson  der  Jiingere  and  Theorophon. 

Salzmann,  C.  G.  Conrad  Kiefer . 

II.  Authorities 

*Barnard,  H.  German  Teachers  and  Educators.  Pp.  488-520. 
*Compayre,  G.  History  of  Pedagogy.  Pp.  414  f. 

Garbovicianu,  P.  Die  Didaktik  Basedows  im  Vergleiche  zur 
Didaktik  des  Comenius. 

Goring,  H.  Ausgewahlte  Schriften  mit  Basedows  Biographie. 
Lange,  O.  H.  Basedow:  His  Educational  Work  and  Principles. 
Payne,  J.  Lectures  on  the  History  of  Education.  Pp.  91-96. 
Pinloche,  J.  A.  Basedow  et  le  Philanthropinisme. 

*Quick,  R.  H.  Educational  Reformers.  Chap.  XV. 


CHAPTER  IX 


Pestalozzi’s 
early  training 
by  his 
mother  in¬ 
fluenced  his 
educational 
ideals,  but 
made  him 
sensitive  and 
impractical. 


PESTALOZZI  AND  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT 

The  happiest  educational  results  of  Rousseau  came 
through  Pestalozzi.  Rousseau  had  shattered  the  eight¬ 
eenth-century  temple  of  despotism,  privilege,  and  hypoc¬ 
risy,  but  it  remained  for  Pestalozzi  to  erect  a  more 
enduring  structure  out  of  the  ruins.  It  was  Pestalozzi 
that  developed  the  negative  and  inconsistent  naturalism 
of  the  Emile  into  a  positive  attempt  to  reform  corrupt 
society  by  proper  education  and  a  new  method  of  teach¬ 
ing. 

The  Earlier  Life  of  Pestalozzi 

But  to  understand  the  significance  of  the  experiments, 
writings,  and  principles  of  this  widely  beloved  reformer, 
one  must  make  a  brief  study  of  his  life  and  surroundings. 
Johann  Heinrich  Pestalozzi  was  born  at  Zurich  in  1746. 
Through  the  death  of  his  father,  he  was  brought  up  from 
early  childhood  almost  altogether  by  his  mother.  She 
was  a  woman  of  great  unselfishness  and  genuine  piety, 
and  her  training  had  a  lasting  influence  upon  his  educa¬ 
tional  ideals.  From  this  experience  in  great  measure 
must  have  come  his  later  ideas  that  the  home,  as  a  center 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  123 


of  love  and  cooperation,  should  be  a  model  for  the  school, 
and  that  education  should  include  a  training  of  the  heart 
and  hand,  as  well  as  of  the  head,  if  the  race  were  to  be 
regenerated.  Mothers  he  certainly  held  to  be  the  ideal 
teachers,  and  to  them  he  ever  directed  his  counsel  and 
exhortations.  Yet  to  the  maternal  guidance  must  also 
be  ascribed  his  extraordinary  sensibility,  imaginative¬ 
ness,  and  unpracticality. 

Another  strong  influence  upon  his  life  was  that  of  his 
grandfather,  pastor  in  a  neighboring  village.  Through 
visits  with  him  to  the  poor,  sick,  and  distressed  of  the 
parish,  young  Pestalozzi  became  acquainted  with  the 
degradation  and  suffering  of  the  peasants  and  resolved 
to  relieve  and  elevate  them.  Naturally  he  first  turned 
to  the  ministry  as  being  the  best  way  to  accomplish  this. 
But  he  broke  down  in  his  trial  sermon,  and  gave  up  the 
hope  of  entering  this  profession.  He  then  turned  to  the 
study  of  law,  with  the  idea  of  defending  the  rights  of  his 
people.  In  this,  too,  he  was  destined  to  be  balked; 
strangely  enough,  through  the  influence  of  Rousseau. 
In  common  with  several  other  students  of  the  University 
of  Zurich,  he  was  greatly  impressed  by  the  Social  Con¬ 
tract  and  the  Emile ,  which  had  recently  appeared,  and, 
becoming  involved  with  the  rest  in  a  radical  criticism  of 
the  government,  he  saw  his  dreams  of  public  office  and 
useful  legislation  disappear  in  thin  air. 

Pestalozzi,  accordingly,  abandoned  his  legal  career. 


His  grand¬ 
father’s 
example 
inspired  him 
to  elevate  the 
peasantry- 
through  the 
ministry, 
law, 


\ 


124  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


improved 

agriculture, 


and  philan¬ 
thropic  edu¬ 
cation  at 
Neuhof 
(Birr). 


Then,  in  1769,  in  the  hope  of  demonstrating  to  the  peas¬ 
ants  the  value  of  improved  methods  of  agriculture,  he 
took  up,  after  a  year  of  training,  a  parcel  of  waste  land 
at  Birr.  This  he  called  by  the  name  of  Neuhof  (‘new 
farm’).  Within  five  years  the  experiment  proved  a 
lamentable  failure,  but  even  before  the  final  crash  Pesta- 
lozzi  had  come  to  feel  that  his  philanthropy  had  been  ab¬ 
sorbed  by  a  material  ambition.  A  son  had  meantime 
been  born  to  him,  whom  he  had  undertaken  to  rear  upon 
the  basis  of  the  Emile ,  and  the  results,  recorded  in  a 
Father’s  Journal ,  suggested  new  ideas  and  educational 
principles  for  the  regeneration  of  the  masses.  He  held 
that  education  did  not  consist  merely  in  books  and 
knowledge,  and  that  the  children  of  the  poor  could,  by 
proper  training,  be  taught  to  earn  their  living  and  at  the 
same  time  develop  their  intelligence  and  moral  nature.1 

His  School  at  Neuhof  and  the  Leonard  and  Gertrude 

Hence  the  failure  of  his  agricultural  venture  afforded 
Pestalozzi  the  opportunity  he  craved  to  experiment  with 
philanthropic  education.  Toward  the  end  of  1774  he 
took  into  his  home  some  twenty  of  the  most  needy  chil¬ 
dren  he  could  find.  These  he  fed,  clothed,  and  treated 
as  his  own.  He  gave  the  boys  practical  instruction  in 
farming  and  gardening  on  small  tracts,  and  had  the  girls 

1  For  a  more  complete  account  of  his  conclusions,  see  de  Guimps, 
Pestalozzi,  pp.  75-78. 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  125 

trained  in  domestic  duties  and  needlework.  In  bad 
weather  both  sexes  gave  their  time  to  spinning  and 
weaving  cotton.  They  were  also  trained  in  the  rudiments, 
but  were  practiced  in  conversing  and  in  memorizing  the 
Bible  before  learning  to  read  and  write.  The  scholastic 
instruction  was  given  very  largely  while  they  were  work¬ 
ing,  and,  although  Pestalozzi  had  not  as  yet  learned  to 
make  any  direct  connection  between  the  occupational 
and  the  formal  elements,  this  first  attempt  at  an  indus¬ 
trial  education  made  it  evident  that  the  two  could 
be  combined.  Within  a  few  months  there  was  a  striking 
improvement  in  the  physique,  minds,  and  morals  of  the 
children,  as  well  as  in  the  use  of  their  hands.  But  Pesta¬ 
lozzi  was  so  enthusiastic  over  the  success  of  his  experi¬ 
ment  that  he  greatly  increased  the  number  of  children, 
and  by  1780  was  reduced  to  bankruptcy. 

Nevertheless,  his  wider  purpose  of  social  reform  by 
means  of  education  was  not  allowed  to  languish  alto¬ 
gether,  for  a  friend  1  shortly  persuaded  him  to  publish  his 
views.  The  Evening  Hour  of  a  Hermit ,2  a  collection  of 
one  hundred  and  eighty  aphorisms,  was  his  first  produc¬ 
tion.  This  work  contained,  as  von  Raumer  puts  it, 
“the  fruit  of  Pestalozzi ’s  past  years  and  at  the  same  time 


1  Iselin,  the  editor  of  Ephemerides. 

2  Die  Abendstunde  eines  Einsiedlers.  A  translation  of  the  entire  work 
can  be  found  in  Barnard,  Vol.  VI,  pp.  169-179,  while  its  essence  is  given 
by  de  Guimps,  Pestalozzi ,  pp.  75-78. 


When  his 
educational 
experiment 
was  closed, 
he  wrote  out 
his  views  in  a 
series  of 
works,  of 
which 

Leonard  and 
Gertrude 
alone  proved 
popular. 


/ 


126  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 

the  seed  corn  of  the  years  that  were  to  come,  —  the  plan 
and  key  to  his  action  in  pedagogy,”  but  it  could  be  under¬ 
stood  by  few  of  the  people  and  received  little  attention. 
Pestalozzi  was,  therefore,  advised  to  put  his  thought  into 
more  popular  form,  and  in  1781  he  wrote  his  well-known 
story  of  Leonard  and  Gertrude.1  This  work,  with  the  sub¬ 
sequent  additions,2  gives  an  account  of  the  degraded 
social  conditions  in  the  Swiss  village  of  ‘BonnaP  and  the 
changes  wrought  in  them  by  one  simple  peasant  woman. 
‘ Gertrude’  reforms  her  drunkard  husband,  educates  her 
children,  and  causes  the  whole  community  to  feel  her 
influence  and  adopt  her  methods.  When  finally  a  wise 
schoolmaster  comes  to  the  village,  he  learns  from  Ger¬ 
trude  the  proper  conduct  of  the  school  and  begs  for  her 
continued  cooperation.  Then  the  government  becomes 
interested,  studies  the  improvements  that  have  taken 
place,  and  concludes  that  the  whole  country  can  be  re- 


1  Lienhard  und  Gertrud:  ein  Buck  f Hr  das  Volk. 

2  To  elucidate  more  fully  the  teachings  of  this  story,  the  following  year 
Pestalozzi  wrote  his  Christopher  and  Eliza,  and  to  show  how  it  could  be 
used  as  a  manual  of  popular  education,  he  later  produced  The  Instruction 
of  Children  in  the  Home,  and  Figures  to  my  ABC  Book  (afterward  called 
Fables),  but  the  public,  wishing  only  to  be  amused,  would  not  read  them, 
and  Pestalozzi  was  driven  by  popular  taste  to  add  other  parts  to  the  Leon¬ 
ard  and  Gertrude  in  1783,  1785,  and  1787.  A  translation  of  the  original 
first  volume,  with  excerpts  from  the  later  parts  concerning  the  village 
school,  is  given  in  Barnard,  American  Journal  of  Education,  Vol.  VII, 
pp.  525-648.  An  admirable  condensation  of  the  whole  work  has  been 
made  by  Eva  Channing  (Boston,  1892). 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  127 


formed  in  no  better  way  than  by  imitating  Bonnal. 
The  Leonard  and  Gertrude  appealed  especially  to  the  ro¬ 
manticism  of  the  period,  and  constituted  Pestalozzi’s  one 
popular  success  in  literature.  It  was,  however,  taken 
simply  as  an  interesting  story,  and  the  author’s  sugges¬ 
tions  for  social,  political,  and  educational  reform  were 
generally  passed  over.1 


His  School  at  Stanz  and  the  Observational  Methods 


During  the  last  decade  of  his  life  at  Neuhof,  Pestalozzi 
was  too  busy  warding  off  poverty  and  starvation  to  write 
or  develop  his  principles.  But  in  1798  a  turn  in  political 
fortunes  gave  him  another  opportunity  to  test  his  theories 
by  actual  practice.  In  that  year  Switzerland  came  under 
the  control  of  the  French  revolutionists,  and  the  inde¬ 
pendent  cantons  were  united  in  a  Helvetic  Republic 
under  a  ‘  directorate  ’  like  that  in  France.  As  this  move¬ 
ment  promised  reform,  Pestalozzi  enthusiastically  sup¬ 
ported  it.  He  was  in  turn  offered  patronage  by  the  new 
government,  but  he  asked  only  for  a  school  in  which  he 
might  carry  out  his  principles.  While  the  authorities 
were  settling  upon  a  site  near  his  home,  an  unexpected 
occurrence  brought  him  instead  to  the  village  of  Stanz. 
The  Catholic  community  in  this  place  had  refused  to 


At  fifty-two 
he  took 
charge  of  a 
throng  of  or¬ 
phan  children 
in  the  Ursu- 
line  convent 
at  Stanz. 


1  See  footnote  2  on  p.  126.  His  attempt  to  formulate  his  views  in  a 
thoroughly  philosophical  way  by  his  Inquiry  into  the  Course  of  Nature  in 
the  Development  of  the  Human  Race  must  have  met  with  very  little  success. 


128  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Through 

experience 
and  observa¬ 
tion,  rather 
than  books, 
he  taught 
the  children 
morality  and 
religion, 


number,  lan¬ 
guage,  geog¬ 
raphy,  his¬ 
tory,  and 
natural  his¬ 
tory. 


yield  to  what  they  considered  a  foreign  and  atheistic 
invasion,  and  most  of  the  able-bodied  adults  had  been 
slaughtered.  That  left  the  government  with  a  throng 
of  friendless  children  for  whom  they  felt  bound  to  pro¬ 
vide.  Pestalozzi,  being  asked  to  take  charge  of  them, 
started  an  orphan  home  and  school  in  the  Ursuline  con¬ 
vent  at  Stanz.  Here  he  soon  gained  the  confidence  and 
love  of  the  children,  and  produced  a  most  noticeable 
improvement  in  them  physically,  morally,  and  intel¬ 
lectually. 

He  declined  all  assistants,  books,  and  materials,  as  he 
felt  that  none  of  the  conventional  methods  could  be  of 
service  in  his  work,  and  he  sought  to  instruct  the  children 
rather  by  experience  and  observation  than  by  abstract 
statements  and  words.  Religion  and  morals,  for  ex¬ 
ample,  were  never  taught  by  precepts,  but  through  in¬ 
stances  that  arose  in  their  own  lives  he  showed  them  the 
value  of  self-control,  charity,  sympathy,  and  gratitude. 
To  a  friend  he  declared :  — 

“I  strove  to  awaken  the  feeling  of  each  virtue  before  talking 
about  it,  for  I  thought  it  unwise  to  talk  to  children  on  subjects 
which  would  compel  them  to  speak  without  thoroughly  under¬ 
standing  what  they  were  saying.”1 

In  a  similarly  concrete  way  the  pupils  were  instructed  in 
number  and  language  work  by  means  of  objects,  and  in 
geography  and  history  by  conversation  rather  than  by 
1  See  How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children,  I. 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  129 

books.  While  they  did  not  learn  their  natural  history 
primarily  from  nature,  they  were  taught  to  corroborate 
what  they  had  learned  by  their  own  observation.  With 
regard  to  this  whole  method  Pestalozzi  said  :  — 


“I  believe  that  the  first  development  of  thought  in  the  child  is 
very  much  disturbed  by  a  wordy  system  of  teaching,  which  is  not 
adapted  either  to  his  faculties  or  the  circumstances  of  his  life. 
According  to  my  experience,  success  depends  upon  whether  what 
is  taught  to  children  commends  itself  to  them  as  true  through  being 
closely  connected  with  their  own  observation.  As  a  general  rule, 
I  attached  little  importance  to  the  study  of  words,  even  when  ex¬ 
planations  of  the  ideas  they  represented  were  given.”  1 


In  connection  with  his  observational  method,  Pesta¬ 
lozzi  at  this  time  began  his  attempts  to  reduce  all  obser¬ 
vation  to  its  lowest  terms.2  It  was  while  at  Stanz,  for 
example,  that  he  first  adopted  his  well-known  plan  of 
teaching  children  to  read  by  means  of  exercises  known 
as  ‘syllabaries.’  These  joined  the  five  vowels  in  succes¬ 
sion  to  the  different  consonants,  —  ‘ab,  eb,  ib,  ob,  ub/ 
and  so  on  through  all  the  consonants.  From  the  pho¬ 
netic  nature  of  German  spelling,  he  was  able  to  make  the 
exercises  very  simple,  and  intended  thus  to  furnish  a 
necessary  practice  in  basal  syllables.  In  a  similar  way 
he  hoped  to  simplify  all  education  to  such  an  extent  that 


He  sought  to 
reduce  ob¬ 
servation  to 
its  lowest 
terms,  as,  for 
example,  in 
his  *  syllaba¬ 
ries 


1  See  footnote  on  p.  128. 

2  The  resulting  elements  he  soon  came  to  call  the  'A  B  C  of  ob¬ 
servation’  {ABC  der  Anschauung) .  See  pp.  133  and  135. 

K 


130  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


and  to  com¬ 
bine  study 
with  manual 
labor. 


Being  forced 
to  give  up  at 
Stanz,  he  ob¬ 
tained  with 
difficulty  a 
position  at 
Burgdorf, 


schools  would  eventually  become  unnecessary,  and  that 
each  mother  would  be  able  to  teach  her  children  and 
continue  her  own  education  at  the  same  time.  More¬ 
over,  while  not  altogether  successful  in  his  efforts  at  a 
correlation,  Pestalozzi,  more  than  at  Neuhof,  now 
“sought  to  combine  study  with  manual  labor,  the  school 
with  the  workshop/’  for,  said  he :  — 

“  I  am  more  than  ever  convinced  that  as  soon  as  we  have  edu¬ 
cational  establishments  combined  with  workshops,  and  conducted 
on  a  truly  psychological  basis,  a  generation  will  necessarily  be 
formed  which  will  show  us  by  experience  that  our  present  studies 
do  not  require  one  tenth  of  the  time  or  trouble  we  now  give  to  them.” 

The  ‘Institute’  at  Burgdorf  and  the  Psychologizing  of 

Education 

From  these  methods  and  principles  that  Pestalozzi 
started  at  Stanz  eventually  developed  all  his  educational 
contributions.  But  before  the  close  of  a  year  the  con¬ 
vent  that  had  served  as  such  a  fruitful  experiment  station 
was  required  by  the  French  soldiers  for  a  hospital.  As 
soon  as  he  recovered  from  the  terrific  physical  strain 
under  which  he  had  labored,  Pestalozzi  was  forced  to  seek 
another  place  in  which  to  continue  his  educational  work. 
But,  according  to  the  usual  standards  for  securing  a 
position  to  teach,  “he  had  everything  against  him; 
thick,  indistinct  speech,  bad  writing,  ignorance  of  draw¬ 
ing,  scorn  of  grammatical  learning.  He  had  studied 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  13 1 


various  branches  of  natural  history,  but  without  any 
particular  attention  either  to  classification  or  terminology. 
He  was  conversant  with  the  ordinary  numerical  opera¬ 
tions,  but  he  would  have  had  difficulty  to  get  through  a 
really  long  sum  in  multiplication  or  division,  and  had 
probably  never  tried  to  work  out  a  problem  in  geometry.”1 
And  in  spite  of  his  understanding  of  “the  mind  of  man 
and  the  laws  of  its  development,  human  affections,  and 
the  art  of  arousing  and  ennobling  them,”  1  he  would 
probably  have  been  unable  to  obtain  a  school,  had  it  not 
been  for  certain  influential  friends  in  the  town  of  Burg- 
dorf.  They  secured  a  position  for  him,  first  in  the  school 
for  the  tenants  and  poorer  people,  and  later  in  the  ele¬ 
mentary  school  of  the  citizens. 

In  Burgdorf,  Pestalozzi  “  followed  without  any  plan 
the  empirical  method  interrupted  at  Stanz,”  and  “sought 
by  every  means  to  bring  the  elements  of  reading  and  arith¬ 
metic  to  the  greatest  simplicity,  and  by  grouping  them 
psychologically,  enable  the  child  to  pass  easily  and  surely 
from  the  first  step  to  the  second,  and  from  the  second  to 
the  third,  and  so  on.”  2  He  further  worked  out  and 
graduated  his  ‘ syllabaries,’  and  invented  the  idea  of  large 
movable  letters  for  teaching  the  children  to  read.  Lan¬ 
guage  exercises  were  given  his  pupils  by  means  of  exam¬ 
ining  the  number,  form,  position,  and  color  of  the  designs, 


where  he  con¬ 
tinued  and 
developed 
his  method. 


He  taught 
reading 
through  the 
‘syllabaries,’ 
language 
through  ob¬ 
jects,  arith- 
meticthrough 
the  ‘  table  of 


1  Charles  Monnard,  Histoire  de  la  Suisse,  continuation  de  Muller. 
See  footnote  on  p.  128. 


132  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


units,’  and 
geometry 
through 
drawing 
lines  and 
curves ; 


holes,  and  rents  in  the  wall  paper  of  the  school,1  and  ex¬ 
pressing  their  observations  in  longer  and  longer  sentences, 
which  they  repeated  after  him.  For  arithmetic  he  de¬ 
vised  boards  divided  into  squares  upon  which  were  placed 
dots  or  lines  concretely  representing  each  unit  up  to  one 
hundred.  By  means  of  this  ‘ table  of  units’ 2  the  pupil 
obtained  a  clear  idea  of  the  meaning  of  the  digits  and  the 
process  of  addition,  and  practiced  his  knowledge  further 
by  counting  his  fingers,  beans,  pebbles,  and  other  objects. 
Pestalozzi  further  explained  that  “  after  the  child  has 
come  to  a  full  understanding  of  the  combinations  of  units 
up  to  ten,  and  has  learned  to  express  himself  with  ease, 
the  objects  are  again  presented,  but  the  questions  are 
changed :  ‘  If  we  have  two  objects,  how  many  times  one 
object  ?  ’  The  child  looks,  counts,  and  answers  correctly.” 
In  that  way  the  pupils  learned  to  multiply,  and  the  mean¬ 
ing  of  division  and  subtraction  was  similarly  acquired. 
The  children  were  also  taught  the  elements  of  geometry 
by  drawing  angles,  lines,  and  curves.  Likewise,  the  de¬ 
velopment  of  teaching  history,  geography,  and  natural 
history  by  this  method  of  observation  must  have  been 
continued  at  Burgdorf. 


1  In  the  Book  for  Mothers,  the  human  body,  with  its  parts  and  relations, 
is  especially  suggested  as  the  material  for  conversation,  since  this  is  the 
closest  to  human  interests  and  thought. 

2  An  illustration  of  this  table  is  given  in  Kriisi,  Pestalozzi,  p.  1 72.  This 
system  was  probably  not  completed  until  Pestalozzi  settled  at  Yverdun, 
and  much  of  the  credit  for  the  scheme  should  go  to  Kriisi  and  Schmid. 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  133 


As  a  result  of  these  experiments,  says  Pestalozzi, 
“  there  unfolded  itself  gradually  in  my  mind  the  idea  of 
the  possibility  of  an  A  B  C  of  observation,1  to  which  I 
now  attach  great  importance,  and  with  the  working  out 
of  which  the  whole  scheme  of  a  general  method  of  in¬ 
struction  in  all  its  scope  appeared,  though  still  obscure, 
before  my  eyes.”  2  And  the  underlying  principle  of  his 
system  he  shortly  formulated  most  tersely  in  the  state¬ 
ment,  “I  wish  to  psychologize  education.”  3  By  this, 
he  showed,  is  meant  the  harmonizing  of  instruction  with 
the  laws  of  intellectual  development,  together  with  the 
simplification  of  the  elements  of  knowledge  and  their 
reduction  to  a  series  of  exercises  so  scientifically  graded 
that  even  the  lowest  classes  can  obtain  the  proper  phys¬ 
ical,  mental,  and  moral  development.  And  sense  per¬ 
ception  or  observation,  he  holds,  when  connected  with 
language  for  expressing  the  different  impressions,  is, 
therefore,  the  foundation  of  education. 


and  thus 
evolved  his 
‘AB  Cof 
observation,’ 
and  his 
stated  wish 
to  ‘psycholo¬ 
gize  educa¬ 
tion.’ 


Despite  a  want  of  system  and  errors  in  carrying  out 
his  method,  Pestalozzi  seems  to  have  produced  remark¬ 
able  results  from  the  start.  At  the  first  annual  exam¬ 
ination  the  Burgdorf  School  Commission  wrote  him  that 


Pestalozzi’s 
‘institute’  at 
Burgdorf 
was  im¬ 
mensely 
successful,  — 
pupils 


1  See  footnote  2  on  p.  129.  Cf.  also  footnote  2  on  p.  135. 

2  See  footnote  on  p.  128. 

3  Ich  will  den  menschlichen  Unterricht  psyckologisieren.  This  formula 
was  made  by  him  when  asked  for  a  written  statement  of  his  system  by  the 
‘Friends  of  Education/  a  society  that  was  striving  to  propagate  his  views. 


134  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


poured  in, 
progressive 
teachers 
came  to  as¬ 
sist  him,  and 
distinguished 
visitors 
flocked  there 


“  the  surprising  progress  of  your  little  scholars  of  various 
capacities  shows  plainly  that  every  one  is  good  for  some¬ 
thing,  if  the  teacher  knows  how  to  get  at  his  abilities  and 
develop  them  according  to  the  laws  of  psychology.”  And 
the  reformer  soon  met  with  even  greater  success  in  a 
school  of  his  own.  In  January,  1801,  the  government 
granted  him  the  free  use  of  the  ‘ castle,’  or  town  hall,  of 
Burgdorf  and  a  small  subsidy  for  his  ‘instituted  Pupils 
poured  in;  a  number  of  progressive  teachers,  including 
Kriisi,  Tobler,  Buss,  and  Niederer,1  came  to  assist  him ; 
many  persons  of  prominence  visited  the  school  and  made 
most  favorable  reports  upon  its  methods;  and  during 
the  following  three  years  and  a  half  the  Pestalozzian 
views  on  education  were  systematically  developed  and 
applied. 


How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children  and  Other 

Works 

Pestalozzi  was  also  able  at  Burgdorf  to  undertake  a  de¬ 
tailed  statement  of  his  method  by  the  publication  in  Octo- 

1  Hermann  Kriisi,  a  young  schoolmaster  of  Gais,  had,  during  a  famine  in 
Appenzell,  brought  a  troop  of  starving  children  to  Burgdorf  at  the  invita¬ 
tion  of  Fischer,  a  friend  of  Pestalozzi.  Fischer  died  shortly  afterward, 
and  Kriisi  joined  Pestalozzi’s  venture.  Through  Kriisi,  the  services  of 
Tobler,  “a  private  tutor  whose  youth  had  been  much  neglected,”  and  of 
Buss,  “a  bookbinder,  who  devoted  his  leisure  to  singing  and  drawing,” 
were  also  secured  for  the  institute.  Niederer  was  a  clergyman  and 
philosopher,  who  gave  up  his  parochial  duties  to  work  with  Pestalozzi. 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  135 


ber,  1801,  of  his  How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children.1 2  This 
work  does  not  mention  Gertrude,  but  consists  of  fifteen 
letters  to  his  friend,  Gessner.  The  first  two  letters  con¬ 
tain  biographical  details,  especially  concerning  the  meet¬ 
ing  with  his  assistant  teachers.  Then  follows  an  account 
of  his  general  principles ;  of  the  specific  teaching  of  lan¬ 
guage,  drawing,  writing,  measuring,  and  number  by 
means  of  observation ;  of  the  elementary  books  that  he 
contemplates  writing,  —  the  A  B  C  of  Observation  and 
the  Book  for  Mothers;  2  of  the  reform  in  elementary  edu¬ 
cation  and  of  the  need  of  judgment  as  well  as  knowledge ; 
and  of  moral  and  religious  development.  Like  all  of 
Pestalozzi’s  works,  How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children 
is  quite  lacking  in  both  plan  and  proportion,  and  is  filled 
with  repetitions  and  digressions.  It  contains,  however, 
the  foundation  of  his  system  and  of  most  modern  reform 
in  elementary  education,  and  has  to  be  studied  to  reveal 
its  values.  It  has  already  been  quoted  several  times 
directly,  but  the  following  summary  of  its  principles, 
made  by  Pestalozzi’s  biographer,  Morf,  after  a  most  care- 


To  explain 
his  method 
in  detail,  he 
wrote  How 
Gertrude 
Teaches  Her 
Children. 


1  Wie  Gertrud  ihre  Kinder  lehrt. 

2  A  B  C  der  Anschauung  and  Buck  der  Mutter.  The  Book  for  Mothers 
was  later  written  under  Pestalozzi’s  direction  at  Burgdorf  by  Kriisi.  It 
completely  failed  in  its  purpose,  however,  since  the  average  mother  was 
unable  to  break  from  the  ideals  and  habits  of  her  own  schooldays.  The 
A  B  C  of  Observation  also  appeared,  and  during  this  period  Pestalozzi  and 
his  assistants  likewise  produced  a  variety  of  books  applying  the  new 
method  to  various  school  subjects. 


136  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


ful  study  of  this  unsystematic  work,  may  serve  to  give 
an  idea  of  Pestalozzi’s  educational  creed.  He  had  come 
to  believe :  — • 

“1.  Observation  is  the  foundation  of  instruction. 

“2.  Language  must  be  connected  with  observation. 

“3.  The  time  for  learning  is  not  the  time  for  judgment  and 
criticism. 

“4.  In  each  branch,  instruction  must  begin  with  the  simplest 
elements,  and  proceed  gradually  by  following  the  child’s  develop¬ 
ment;  that  is,  by  a  series  of  steps  which  are  psychologically 
connected. 

“5.  A  pause  must  be  made  at  each  stage  of  the  instruction 
sufficiently  long  for  the  child  to  get  the  new  matter  thoroughly 
into  his  grasp  and  under  his  control. 

“6.  Teaching  must  follow  the  path  of  development,  and  not 
that  of  dogmatic  exposition. 

“7.  The  individuality  of  the  pupil  must  be  sacred  for  the 
teacher. 

“8.  The  chief  aim  of  elementary  instruction  is  not  to  furnish 
the  child  with  knowledge  and  talents,  but  to  develop  and  increase 
the  powers  of  his  mind. 

“9.  To  knowledge  must  be  joined  power;  to  what  is  known, 
the  ability  to  turn  it  to  account. 

“10.  The  relations  between  master  and  pupil,  especially  so  far 
as  discipline  is  concerned,  must  be  established  and  regulated  by  love. 

“11.  Instruction  must  be  subordinated  to  the  higher  end  of 
education.” 

PestalozzPs  Attempted  Union  with  Fellenberg 

While  this  productive  work  at  Burgdorf  was  at  its 
height,  a  change  in  the  political  situation  overthrew 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  137 


everything.  In  1804  the  cantonal  government  demanded 
back  the  ‘castle/  although  it  turned  over  to  Pestalozzi 
an  old  convent  at  Miinchenbuchsee.  For  a  few  months 
the  reformer  made  a  fruitless  attempt  to  cooperate  in  his 
new  location  with  Emanuel  von  Fellenberg  (1771-1844), 
who  had  founded  in  the  neighboring  Hofwyl  a  prosper¬ 
ous  industrial  school  upon  Pestalozzian  principles.  This 
school  of  Fellenberg  has  played  so  important  a  part  in 
American  educational  history  as  to  deserve  more  extended 
consideration  than  can  be  given  here.  The  founder 
had,  from  his  early  youth,  felt  a  great  sympathy  for 
the  poor  and  unfortunate,  and  when,  while  holding  an 
important  government  office,  he  came  to  despair  of 
ever  accomplishing  anything  by  legislation,  he  turned 
his  attention  directly  to  practical  educational  reform. 
He  purchased  an  estate  at  Hofwyl,1  and  started  in¬ 
dustrial  training  on  the  basis  of  Pestalozzi’s  experiences, 
with  which  he  had  long  been  acquainted.  Owing  to  his 
ability  as  an  organizer  and  administrator,  his  school  was 
conducted  with  ever  increasing  success  from  1804  un¬ 
til  his  death.  He  was  careful  to  introduce  the  various 
features  of  his  work  gradually.  Believing  that  agricul¬ 
ture,  as  the  chief  industry  of  the  country,  would  afford 
the  most  effective  physical  and  intellectual  training,  he 

1  It  is  said  that  the  name  of  the  estate  had  been  Wylhof,  but  that 
Fellenberg  inverted  the  syllables  to  indicate  the  radical  nature  of  his 

reforms. 


But  in  1804 
the  govern¬ 
ment  took 
back  the 
‘castle,’  and 
after  a  brief 
attempt  to 
cooperate 
with  Fellen- 
berg’s  ‘agri¬ 
cultural  in¬ 
stitute’  at 
Miinchen- 
buchsee, 


138  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Pestalozzi 
transferred 
his  ‘institute’ 
to  Yverdun, 
where  his 
success  was 
greater  than 
ever. 


laid  out  a  farm  of  some  six  hundred  acres,  and,  with  the 
addition  of  the  necessary  workshops,  undertook  to  train 
farm  laborers,  cartmakers,  blacksmiths,  carpenters, 
locksmiths,  shoemakers,  and  tailors.  This  ‘Agricultural 
Institute  ’  furnished  a  practical  training  for  the  poor  and 
enabled  them  to  support  themselves  by  their  labor  while 
being  educated.  Through  the  same  institution  he  also 
undertook  to  train  rural  school-teachers.  But  his  work 
did  not  stop  there.  He  felt  that  the  wealthy  should 
understand  and  be  more  in  sympathy  with  the  laboring 
classes,  and  learn  how  to  direct  their  work  intelligently. 
Accordingly,  he  established  on  the  estate  a  ‘  Literary 
Institute/  with  the  usual  classical  course  for  the  boys 
of  the  upper  classes.  Both  sets  of  boys  had  to  culti¬ 
vate  gardens  and  work  on  the  farm,  and  in  many  other 
ways  come  into  touch  and  mutual  understanding. 

The  *  Institute ’  at  Yverdun  and  the  Culmination  of 
the  Pestalozzian  Methods 

When,  however,  despite  their  similarity  of  purpose,  a 
marked  difference  of  temperaments  made  a  union  of  the 
work  of  Pestalozzi  and  Fellenberg  impossible,  Pestalozzi 
transferred  his  school  to  Yverdun  in  1805,  and  was  soon 
followed  by  most  of  his  assistants.  The  ‘institute’  here 
sprang  into  fame  almost  immediately,  and  increased  in 
numbers  and  prosperity  for  several  years.  Children 
were  sent  to  Yverdun  from  great  distances,  and  teachers 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  139 


thronged  here  to  learn  and  apply  the  new  principles  at 
home.  Visitors  and  sightseers  came  from  all  parts  of 
Europe  and  America.  Pestalozzi  was  decorated  by  the 
Czar  of  Russia,  and  presented  with  distinctions  from 
other  monarchs.  A  flourishing  girls’  school  grew  up 
near  the  institute  under  the  direction  of  associates,  and 
for  a  short  time  Pestalozzi  himself  conducted  a  school 
for  orphans  in  the  neighborhood,  while  Conrad  Naef  of 
Zurich  came  to  Yverdun  and  founded  a  celebrated  in¬ 
stitution  for  the  deaf  and  dumb  upon  the  Pestalozzian 
principles. 

The  work  of  the  institute  at  Yverdun  was  a  continua¬ 
tion  and  culmination  of  that  started  at  Stanz  and  Burg- 
dorf.  It  was  a  great  center  of  educational  experimenta¬ 
tion,  and  nearly  every  advanced  method  characteristic  of 
present  elementary  education  was  first  undertaken  there. 
The  keynote  in  teaching  all  subjects  was  observation 
connected  with  language.  The  children  were  taught  to 
observe  correctly  and  form  the  right  idea  of  the  relations 
of  things,  and  so  to  have  no  difficulty  in  expressing  clearly 
what  they  thoroughly  understood.  The  simplification 
introduced  through  the  ‘syllabaries’  and  ‘table  of  units’ 
was  further  elaborated.  A  ‘table  of  fractions’  was  also 
devised  for  teaching  that  subject  concretely.  It  con¬ 
sisted  of  a  series  of  squares,  which  could  be  divided  in¬ 
definitely  and  in  different  ways.  Some  of  the  squares 
were  whole,  while  others  were  divided  horizontally  into 


Here  he 
elaborated 
the  ‘  sylla¬ 
baries  ’  and 
‘table  of 
units,’  and 
added  the 
‘  table  of 
fractions’ 
and  the 
‘table  of  I 
fractions  ofj 
fractions  ’ ; 


i4o  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


drawing, 
writing,  and 
geometry 
were  taught 
through  ele¬ 
ments  of 
form  taken 
from  objects ; 


two,  three,  or  even  ten  equal  parts.  The  pupil  thus 
learned  by  observation  to  count  the  parts  of  units  and 
form  them  into  integers.  There  was  further  developed 
a  Table  of  fractions  of  fractions/  or  compound  fractions,1 
in  which  the  squares  were  divided,  not  only  horizon¬ 
tally,  but  vertically,  so  that  the  method  of  reducing  two 
fractions  to  the  same  denominator  might  be  self-evident. 
It  was  in  this  number  work  that  the  Pestalozzians  were 
most  radical.  By  means  of  various  devices  Krusi,  and 
afterward  Schmid2  even  more,  attained  great  clearness, 
accuracy,  and  rapidity  in  arithmetic.  The  work  was 
often  done  aloud  without  paper,  and  many  of  the  students 
became  most  apt  in  calculation. 

Similarly,  in  order  to  draw  and  write,  the  pupil  was  first 
taught  the  simple  elements  of  form.  The  consecutive 
exercises  for  building  up  form  from  its  elements,  however, 
Pestalozzi  was  not  happy  in  determining,  but  Buss  success¬ 
fully  worked  out  an  ‘alphabet  of  form.’  Objects,  such  as 
sticks  or  pencils,  were  placed  in  different  directions,  and 
lines  representing  them  were  drawn  on  the  board  or  slate  un¬ 
til  all  elementary  forms,  straight  or  curved,  were  mastered. 
The  pupils  combined  these  elements,  instead  of  copying 


1  This  table  can  be  found  in  the  Holland,  Turner,  and  Cooke  edition 
(Syracuse,  1898)  of  How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children ,  p.  217. 

2  Joseph  Schmid  was  a  Tyrolese  shepherd  boy,  who  had  first  come  to 
Yverdun  as  a  pupil,  but  because  of  his  brilliancy  was  soon  promoted  to  be 
an  assistant  master. 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  141 


models,  and  were  encouraged  to  design  symmetrical  and 
graceful  figures.  This  also  paved  the  way  for  writing, 
for,  said  Pestalozzi,  “In  endeavoring  to  teach  writing, 
I  found  I  must  begin  by  teaching  drawing.”  The  chil¬ 
dren  wrote  on  their  slates,  beginning  with  the  easiest 
letters  and  gradually  forming  words  from  them,  but  soon 
learned  to  write  on  paper  with  a  pen.  Writing  was, 
however,  taught  in  connection  with  reading,  although 
begun  somewhat  later  than  that  study.  Constructive 
geometry  was  also  learned  through  drawing.  Much 
use  was  made  of  squares,  which  were  divided  into  smaller 
squares  or  rectangles,  and  thus  sense  impression  prepara¬ 
tory  to  geometry  was  furnished.  The  pupils  were  taught 
to  distinguish,  first  vertical,  horizontal,  oblique,  and  par¬ 
allel  lines;  then  they  learned  right,  acute,  and  obtuse 
angles,  different  kinds  of  triangles,  quadrilaterals,  and 
other  figures ;  and  finally  discovered  at  how  many  points 
a  certain  number  of  straight  lines  may  be  made  to  cut 
one  another,  and  how  many  angles,  triangles,  and  quad¬ 
rilaterals  can  be  formed.  To  make  the  matter  more 
concrete  the  figures  were  often  cut  out  of  cardboard  or 
made  into  models.  Thus  the  pupils  were  led  up  to  the¬ 
oretical  geometry,  which  was  made  more  valuable  and 
interesting  by  their  working  out  the  demonstrations  for 
themselves,  instead  of  learning  them  from  a  book. 

In  nature  study,  geography,  and  history  the  concrete 
observational  work  was  similarly  continued.  Trees, 


natural  sci¬ 
ence  and 


142  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


geography 
from  actual 
observation; 
music  from 
its  simplest 
tone  ele¬ 
ments;  and 
religion  and 
morality 
from  con¬ 
crete  exam¬ 
ples. 


flowers,  and  birds  were  viewed,  drawn,  and  discussed. 
The  pupils  began  in  geography  by  acquiring  the  points 
of  the  compass  and  relative  positions,  and  from  this 
knowledge  observed  and  described  some  familiar  place. 
The  valley  of  the  Buron  near  at  hand  was  observed  in 
detail  and  modeled  upon  long  tables  in  clay  brought 
from  its  sides.  Then  the  pupils  were  shown  the  map 
for  the  first  time  and  easily  grasped  the  meaning  of  its 
symbols.  Pestalozzi  himself  did  not  altogether  under¬ 
stand  the  real  purpose  of  geography,  regarding  it  rather 
as  a  means  for  cultivating  language,  but  he  inspired  some 
of  his  assistants,  like  Tobler  and  Ritter,  with  a  great  love 
for  the  subject  and  a  desire  to  work  it  out  psychologically. 
Nor  was  Pestalozzi  sufficiently  acquainted  with  music 
to  apply  his  method  to  it.  This  was,  however,  done  by 
his  friend,  Nageli,  a  Swiss  composer  of  note,  who  reduced 
it  to  its  simplest  elements  and  then  combined  and  devel¬ 
oped  these  progressively  into  more  complex  and  con¬ 
nected  wholes.  Pupils  were  thus  led  to  discover  pleasing 
combinations  and  develop  musical  inventiveness.  In 
religious  and  moral  training,  as  at  Stanz,  Pestalozzi 
sought  by  concrete  examples  to  quicken  the  germ  of 
conscience  into  action  and  develop  it  by  successive  steps. 
The  love  of  God  he  believed  could  be  taught  better 
through  the  child’s  love  for  his  mother  1  and  other  human 


1  See  How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children ,  XIV  and  XV. 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  143 


beings  than  through  dogma  and  catechism,  and  the  sig¬ 
nificance  of  obedience,  duty,  and  unselfishness  through 
being  required  to  wait  before  having  his  desires  fulfilled, 
and  so  realizing  that  his  own  is  not  the  only  will  or  pleas¬ 
ure  in  the  world. 

During  this  period,  also,  many  books  upon  the  applica¬ 
tions  of  the  new  methods  were  issued  both  by  Pestalozzi 
and  his  assistants.  The  most  famous  was  probably 
Schmid’s  Exercises  on  Numbers  and  Forms.  Niederer  also 
undertook  to  put  the  doctrines  of  Pestalozzi  into  philo¬ 
sophic  form,  and  published  several  treatises  and  pam¬ 
phlets.  A  Weekly  Journal  was  likewise  issued  for  several 
years,  and  a  complete  edition  of  Pestalozzi’s  works  was 
brought  out. 

With  all  these  achievements,  however,  the  institute 
of  Yverdun  was  slowly  dying.  Pestalozzi  was  never  a 
practical  administrator,  and  he  was  now  an  old  man. 

The  death  of  his  wife  deprived  him  of  most  of  the  mental 

* 

balance  that  remained  to  him.  He  came  to  depend  al¬ 
most  entirely  upon  his  assistant,  Schmid,  who  was  most 
despotic  and  drove  away  several  of  the  best  teachers 
from  the  institute.  Disputes  and  lawsuits  became 
common,  and  the  finances  of  the  institution  went  from 
bad  to  worse.  The  constant  interruptions  of  visitors 
also  demoralized  the  school.  Finally,  in  1825,  after  an 
existence  of  a  score  of  years  and  with  a  reputation  through¬ 
out  the  civilized  world,  the  institute  was  closed.  Pesta- 


Many  books 
upon  the  new 
methods 
were  issued. 


But,  owing 
to  his  own 
unpractical¬ 
ity,  the  in¬ 
ternal  dis¬ 
sensions,  and 
the  interrup¬ 
tions  from 
visitors,  the 
institute  at 
Yverdun 
closed  after 
existing  a 
score  of 
years,  and 
Pestalozzi 
died  two 
years 
later. 


144  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Pestalozzi 
makes  ex¬ 
plicit  Rous¬ 
seau’s  ‘natu¬ 
ralism  ’  by 
defining 
education  as 
a  natural 
development 
of  human 
capacities, 
and  con¬ 
trasting  this 
with  the 
formal  edu¬ 
cation  of  the 
day. 


lozzi  retired  to  Neuhof,  then  in  possession  of  his  grand¬ 
son.  Two  years  later  he  died  and  was  buried  near  his 
old  home  beside  the  school  of  the  little  village.1 

Pestalozzi’s  Educational  Aim 

After  this  account  of  Pestalozzi’s  personality,  experi¬ 
ments,  and  writings,  we  are  ready  to  discuss  his  aim  in 
education  and  to  understand  in  what  sense  his  prin¬ 
ciples  were  a  continuation  of  Rousseau’s  ‘naturalism.’ 
In  his  first  writing,  The  Evening  Hour  of  a  Hermit ,  he 
held  that  “all  the  beneficent  powers  of  man  are  due  to 
neither  art  nor  chance,  but  to  nature,”  and  that  educa¬ 
tion  should  follow  “the  course  laid  down  by  nature.” 
So  in  all  his  works  he  constantly  returns  to  the  analogy 
of  the  child’s  development  with  that  of  the  natural  growth 
of  the  plant  or  animal.  For  example,  he  writes  :  — 

“Sound  education  stands  before  me  symbolized  by  a  tree  planted 
near  fertilizing  waters.  A  little  seed,  which  contains  the  design  of 
the  tree,  its  form  and  proportions,  is  placed  in  the  soil.  See  how 
it  germinates  and  expands  into  trunk,  branches,  leaves,  flowers, 
and  fruit.  The  whole  tree  is  an  uninterrupted  chain  of  organic 
parts,  the  plan  of  which  existed  in  its  seed  and  root.  Man  is  simi¬ 
lar  to  the  tree.  In  the  new-born  child  are  hidden  those  faculties 
which  are  to  unfold  during  life.  The  individual  and  separate  organs 
of  his  being  form  themselves  gradually  into  unison,  and  build  up 
humanity  in  the  image  of  God.” 

1  A  memorial  inscription,  which  now  covers  the  rear  of  the  school- 
house,  after  relating  his  labors  and  achievements,  closes  with  these 
fitting  words  :  “  Man,  Christian,  citizen.  Everything  for  others,  noth¬ 
ing  for  self.  Blessings  on  his  name.” 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  145 


Consequently,  Pestalozzi  defines  education  as  “the  nat¬ 
ural,  progressive,  and  harmonious  development  of  all  the 
powers  and  capacities  of  the  human  being,”  and  insists 
that  “the  knowledge  to  which  the  child  is  to  be  led  by 
instruction  must,  therefore,  be  subjected  to  a  certain 
order  of  succession,  the  beginning  of  which  must  be 
adapted  to  the  first  unfolding  of  his  powers,  and  the  prog¬ 
ress  kept  exactly  parallel  to  that  of  his  development.”  In 
contrast  to  this  education  in  harmony  with  nature,  Pesta¬ 
lozzi  saw  that  the  traditional  practices  of  the  times  gave 
the  pupil  a  mere  ability  to  read  words,  a  memory  knowl¬ 
edge  of  mathematics,  and  a  superficial  culture  through 
the  classics  that  was  purely  formal  and  ineffective  for 
real  development.  “Our  unpsychological  schools,”  he 
declares,  “are  essentially  only  artificial  stifling  machines 
for  destroying  all  the  results  of  the  power  and  experience 
that  nature  herself  brings  to  life.  .  .  .  After  the  children 
have  enjoyed  the  happiness  of  sensuous  life  for  five 
whole  years,  we  make  all  nature  around  them  vanish 
before  their  eyes ;  tyrannically  stop  the  delightful  course 
of  their  unrestrained  freedom ;  pen  them  up  like  sheep, 
whole  flocks  huddled  together  in  stinking  rooms;  piti¬ 
lessly  chain  them  for  hours,  days,  weeks,  months,  years, 
to  the  contemplation  of  unnatural  and  unattractive 
letters,  and,  contrasted  with  their  former  condition,  to  a 
maddening  course  of  life.” 

This  need  for  gradually  developing  the  powers  of  the 


146  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


He  further 
extended 
Rousselian- 
ism  by  apply¬ 
ing  it  to  all 
children. 


child  in  keeping  with  nature  and  the  complete  absence  of 
it  in  the  schools  of  the  period  had  been  pointed  out  by 
Rousseau,  but  in  a  purely  destructive  way.  He  talked 
blindly  in  his  ‘ naturalism’  about  an  abandonment  of  all 
society  and  civilization  and  a  return  to  nature,  but  he 
failed  to  make  his  educational  doctrine  concrete  and 
explicit  and  to  apply  it  to  the  school.  Pestalozzi  further 
modified  and  extended  the  Rousselian  doctrine  by  recom¬ 
mending  its  application  to  all  children,  whatever  their 
circumstances  and  abilities.  Where  Rousseau  evidently 
had  only  the  young  aristocrat  in  mind  in  the  education 
of  Emile ,  Pestalozzi  held  that  poverty  could  be  relieved 
and  society  reformed  only  through  ridding  each  and  every 
one  of  his  degradation  by  means  of  mental  and  moral 
development.  Accordingly,  he  was  the  stanch  advocate 
of  universal  education,  as  shown  by  the  protest  implied 
in  the  following  simile :  — 


“As  far  as  I  am  acquainted  with  popular  instruction,  it  appears 
to  me  like  a  large  house,  whose  uppermost  story  shines  in  splendor 
of  highly  finished  art,  but  is  occupied  by  only  a  few.  In  the  middle 
story  is  a  great  crowd,  but  the  stairs  by  which  the  upper  one  may 
be  reached  in  an  approved  and  respectable  manner  are  wanting; 
if  the  attempt  be  made  in  a  less  regular  way,  the  leg  or  arm  used 
as  a  means  of  progress  may  be  broken.  In  the  lowest  story  is  an 
immense  throng  of  people,  who  have  precisely  the  same  right  to 
enjoy  the  light  of  the  sun  as  those  in  the  upper  one ;  but  they  are 
left  in  utter  darkness  and  not  even  allowed  to  gaze  at  the  mag¬ 
nificence  above.” 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  147 


His  General  Method  and  Its  Applications 

Pestalozzi’s  underlying  principle  for  producing  this 
natural  development  of  the  powers  of  all  and  so  for  re¬ 
forming  social  conditions  was  to  train  his  pupils  in  ‘ob¬ 
servation.’  1  He  felt  that  clear  ideas  could  be  formed 
only  through  careful  sense  perceptions,  and  was  thor¬ 
oughly  opposed  to  the  mechanical  memorizing  with  little 
understanding  that  was  current  in  the  schools  of  the  day. 
In  all  studies,  therefore,  he  strove  to  direct  the  senses  of  the 
pupils  to  outer  objects  and  to  arouse  their  consciousness 
by  the  impressions  thus  produced.  While  such  ‘object 
lessons’  did  not  exist  in  the  traditionalized  schools, 
Pestalozzi  insisted  that  the  material  for  them  is  all  about 
the  children,  and  that  it  can  best  be  obtained  in  the  home 
and  school  and  in  the  ordinary  occupations,  surroundings, 
and  experiences  of  life.  His  method  in  general  seems  to 
have  been  to  analyze  each  subject  into  its  simplest  ele¬ 
ments  and  to  develop  it  by  graded  exercises  based  as 
far  as  possible  upon  the  study  of  objects  rather  than 
words.  Yet  Pestalozzi  felt  that  “experiences  must  be 
clearly  expressed  in  words,  or  otherwise  there  arises  the 
same  danger  that  characterizes  the  dominant  word 
teaching,  —  that  of  attributing  entirely  erroneous  ideas 
to  words.”  Accordingly,  as  shown  in  the  summary  of 
How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children ,2  in  all  instruction 
he  would  connect  language  with  observation. 


His  general 
method  was 
training  in 
‘observation’ 
through  the 
surrounding 
material, 
analysis  into 
its  simplest 
elements, 
and  expres¬ 
sion  in  words. 


1 1.e.  Anschauung. 


2  See  p.  136. 


148  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


This  received 
special  appli¬ 
cations  to 
language, 
arithmetic, 
drawing, 
writing, 
geometry, 
geography, 
and  other 
subjects  of 
the  curricu¬ 
lum. 


The  application  of  this  method  of  natural  development 
by  means  of  analysis,  observation,  and  expression  to  the 
various  studies  constituted  the  most  far-reaching  work 
of  Pestalozzi.  The  special  applications  of  this  general 
method  that  were  worked  out  by  him  and  his  followers 
in  the  most  common  subjects  of  the  curriculum  have  been 
described  in  detail  in  the  account  of  his  work  at  Stanz, 
Burgdorf,  and  Yverdun.  Language  was  taught,  not  by 
abstract  rules,  but  by  conversation  concerning  objects. 
As  thinking  is  thus  made  to  precede  language,  speaking 
is  held  to  precede  grammar,  reading,  spelling,  and  com¬ 
position.  The  language  training  began  with  single 
elements  or  sounds,  learned  through  the  ‘  syllabaries  ’ ; 
from  these  words  were  built  up;  and  from  words,  sen¬ 
tences.  As  sounds  were  the  elements  in  language, 
numbers  were  the  basis  of  arithmetic.  Here  again  ob¬ 
servation  was  used,  and  numbers  and  their  relations  were 
taught  the  pupil  through  objects.  For  this  purpose  the 
various  tables  of  units,  fractions,  and  compound  fractions 
were  devised.  Similarly,  from  the  rudiments  of  form  were 
taught  drawing,  writing,  and  constructive  and  theoret¬ 
ical  geometry.  For  the  study  of  geography,  nature, 
and  history,  elements  were  found  in  the  locality  that 
could  be  combined  until  the  whole  world  and  all  the 
relations  of  man  were  worked  out.  Music  was  re¬ 
duced  to  its  simplest  elements  and  progressively  de¬ 
veloped,  and  moral  and  religious  training  was  given 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  149 


through  the  ordinary  concrete  relations  and  experiences 
of  life. 

The  discipline  connected  with  Pestalozzi’s  method 
was  naturally  mild.  Throughout  his  work  he  main¬ 
tained  that  the  school  should  be  as  nearly  like  the 
home  as  possible,  and  that  the  chief  incentives  to  right 
are  not  fear,  but  kindness  and  love.  In  such  a  sym¬ 
pathetic  atmosphere,  where  the  pupils  were  constantly 
busied  with  interesting  activities,  and  all  their  physical, 
intellectual,  and  moral  needs  were  regarded,  it  is  not 
remarkable  that  severe  punishment  was  seldom  required. 
On  this  point  Pestalozzi  most  sensibly  remarks :  — 

“I  do  not  venture  to  assert  that  corporal  punishment  is  inad¬ 
missible,  but  I  do  object  to  its  application  when  the  teacher  or 
the  method  is  at  fault  and  not  the  children.” 

The  Permanent  Influence  of  His  Principles 

It  is  easy  to  exaggerate  the  achievements  of  this 
almost  sainted  reformer  of  Switzerland.  Pestalozzi’s 
doctrines  were  neither  very  original  nor  well  carried 
out.  His  merit  lay  in  making  concrete  and  positive 
the  abstract  and  general  principles  of  Rousseau,  and  in 
applying  them  to  the  schools.  Even  in  this  he  some¬ 
what  failed  in  practicality  and  consistency.  He  was 
often  unable  to  apply  his  own  method;  he  grasped 
principles,  but  not  details.  While  he  stated  his  views 
in  general  most  convincingly,  we  have  seen  that  much 


His  disci¬ 
pline  was 
mild. 


Pestalozzi 
was  neither 
very  original 
nor  consist¬ 
ent  in  his  doc¬ 
trines, 


150  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


and  was  often 
repetitious, 
inaccurate, 
and  lacking 
in  compre¬ 
hensiveness. 


had  to  be  worked  out  by  his  assistants  and  followers. 
This  he  realized  when  he  declared :  — 

“I  cannot  say  that  it  is  I  who  have  created  what  you  see  before 
you  now.  Niederer,  Kriisi,  and  Schmid  would  laugh  if  I  called 
myself  their  master.  I  am  good  neither  at  figures  nor  writing; 
I  know  nothing  about  grammar,  mathematics,  or  any  other  science ; 
the  most  ignorant  of  our  pupils  knows  more  of  these  things  than  I 
do.  I  am  but  the  initiative  of  the  institute  and  depend  upon  others 
to  carry  out  my  views.” 

Often  he  badly  violated  his  own  principles.  Although 
strongly  opposed  to  all  verbal  and  memoriter  teaching, 
in  language  work  he  made  the  mistake  of  shaping  the 
sentences  for  his  pupils  and  having  them  repeat  after 
him ;  he  insisted  upon  teaching  reading  and  spelling  by 
pronouncing  every  possible  variety  of  syllable;  and  in 
geography,  history,  and  nature  study  he  required  the 
pupils  to  commit  mere  lists  of  important  places,  facts, 
or  objects  arranged  in  alphabetic  order. 

Moreover,  as  can  be  seen  both  in  his  educational 
experiments  and  his  writings,  Pestalozzi  was  groping 
and  never  possessed  full  insight.  His  works  are  poorly 
arranged,  repetitious,  and  inaccurate.  There  was  little 
organization  or  order  in  his  schools.  Toward  the  close 
of  his  life,  he  modestly  confessed :  — 

“Poor,  weak,  humble,  unworthy,  incapable,  and  ignorant,  I  yet 
set  myself  to  my  work.  The  world  accounted  it  madness,  but  God’s 
hand  was  with  me.  My  work  prospered.  I  found  friends  who 
loved  both  it  and  me.  I  knew  not  what  I  did,  I  hardly  knew  what 
I  wanted.  And  yet  my  work  prospered.” 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  151 


The  inconsistency  and  incompleteness  of  Pestalozzi’s 
work,  however,  is  of  small  import  when  compared  with 
its  influence  upon  society  and  education.  The  value  of 
his  achievements  rests,  not  in  their  adequacy  or  finality, 
but  in  the  fact  that  they  were  the  germ  of  all  modern 
pedagogy  and  reform.  In  the  eighteenth  century  caste 
ruled  through  wealth  and  education,  while  the  masses, 
who  supported  the  owners  of  the  land  in  idleness  and 
luxury,  were  sunk  in  ignorance,  poverty,  and  vice. 
The  schools  for  the  common  people  were  exceedingly 
few,  the  content  of  education  was  largely  limited  by 
ecclesiastical  authority,  and  the  methods  were  tra¬ 
ditional  and  verbal.  Brutal  discipline  and  corporal 
punishment  accompanied  the  memoriter  methods.  The 
teachers  generally  had  received  little  training,  and  were 
selected  at  random.  Often  it  was  only  the  old  soldier, 
widow,  servant,  or  workman  who  gathered  the  children 
for  an  hour  or  two  on  Sundays  to  learn  the  rudiments. 
Ordinarily  the  pay  was  wretched,  no  lodgings  were 
provided  for  the  teacher,  and  he  had  often  to  add  domes¬ 
tic  service  to  his  duties,  in  order  to  secure  food  and 
clothing. 

In  the  midst  of  such  conditions  appeared  this  Swiss 
reformer  and  most  famous  of  modern  educators,  who 
never  ceased  to  work  for  the  reformation  of  society 
through  education.  He  saw  what  education  might  do 
to  purify  social  conditions  and  to  elevate  the  people, 


But  his  prin¬ 
ciples  fur¬ 
nished  the 
germ  of  mod¬ 
ern  pedagogy 
and  educa¬ 
tional  reform. 


He  held  edu¬ 
cation  to  be 
a  panacea 
for  all  social 
ills. 


152  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


His 

example, 
with  that  of 
Fellenberg, 
suggested 
various  types 
of  industrial 
education. 


and  attempted  to  apply  it.  As  Voltaire,  Rousseau,  and 
others  had  held  that  the  panacea  for  the  corrupt  times 
was  rationalism,  atheism,  deism,  socialism,  anarchy,  or 
individualism,  Pestalozzi  found  his  remedy  in  education. 
Like  Rousseau,  he  keenly  felt  the  injustice,  unnatural¬ 
ness,  and  degradation  of  the  existing  society,  but  he 
was  not  content  to  stop  with  mere  destruction  and 
negations.  He  saw  what  education  might  do  to  purify 
social  conditions  and  to  elevate  the  people,  and  he 
burned  to  apply  it  universally  and  to  develop  methods 
in  keeping  with  nature.  He  would  make  Rousseau’s 
naturalism  specific  and  extend  it  to  all. 

Hence  through  Pestalozzi  has  gradually  been 
strengthened  the  demand  for  universal  popular  educa¬ 
tion.  Through  his  example  at  Neuhof  and  Stanz,  and 

i 

still  more  through  the  model  institutions  of  his  prac¬ 
tical  disciple,  Fellenberg,  at  Hofwyl,  various  types  of 
industrial  education  have  come  to  supplement  the 
academic  courses,  and  extend  the  work  of  the  school  to 
a  larger  number  of  pupils.  The  poor,  the  defective,  and 
the  degraded  have,  through  his  efforts,  been  redeemed  and 
given  an  opportunity  in  life,  and  many  children  have  been 
kept  in  school  that  would  inevitably  have  fallen  by  the 
wayside.  Public  schools,  special  industrial  schools, 
orphanages,  institutions  for  the  deaf  and  blind,  reforma¬ 
tories,  and  even  prisons  have  thus  yielded  rich  harvests 
because  of  his  first  sowing.  Likewise,  the  tendency  of 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  153 


modern  society  to  care  for  the  education  of  the  unfor¬ 
tunate  through  industrial  training  has  sprung  from  the 
philanthropic  spirit  of  Pestalozzi  and  his  endeavors  to 
furnish  educational  opportunities  for  all. 

The  efforts  of  Pestalozzi  to  evolve  a  natural  method 
of  teaching  were  likewise  fruitful.  Through  his  ex¬ 
periments,  educational  theory  has  come,  in  place  of 
formal  principles  and  traditional  processes,  to  work  out 
carefully  and  patiently  the  development  of  the  child 
mind  and  to  embody  the  results  in  practice.  And,  above 
all,  Pestalozzi’s  work  has  made  clear  the  new  spirit  in  the 
school  by  which  it  has  approached  the  atmosphere  of 
the  home.  He  found  the  proper  relation  of  pupil  and 
teacher  to  exist  in  sympathy  and  friendship,  or,  as  he 
states  it,  in  ‘love.’  This  attitude  constituted  the 
greatest  contrast  to  that  of  the  brutal  schools  of  the 
times  and  introduced  a  new  conception  into  education. 

What,  then,  if  Pestalozzi  be  right  in  saying,  “My 
life  has  produced  nothing  whole,  nothing  complete ;  my 
work  cannot,  then,  either  be  a  whole,  nor  complete”? 
If  he  never  produced  a  closed  and  perfected  system,  so 
much  the  better.  It  is  not  merely  the  form  of  his 
experiments  nor  even  the  results,  but  the  fact  that  he 
believed  in  finding  his  theory  through  experiment,  and 
not  tradition,  that  made  the  work  of  Pestalozzi  sugges¬ 
tive  and  fruitful  afterward.  In  fact,  whenever  his 
practice  was  most  fixed,  it  was  least  effective;  and 


His  natural 
method  has 
replaced  the 
old  formal 
principles, 
and  caused 
the  school  to 
approach  the 
sympathy 
of  the  home. 


If  his  system 
was  not 
closed  and 
perfected,  it 
was  for  that 
reason  the 
more  effec¬ 
tive. 


154  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Pestalozzi’s 
principles 
were  spread 
by  his  dis¬ 
ciples 

throughout 
Europe,  — 
Switzerland, 


wherever  his  spirit  has  since  prevailed,  the  most  intel¬ 
ligent  practice  has  resulted.  The  nineteenth  century 
was  suffused  with  his  principles,  and  his  method  has 
become  the  basis  of  all  subsequent  reform.  The  sig¬ 
nificance  of  both  his  theory  and  practice  has  become 
more  and  more  evident  as  the  years  have  passed. 

The  Spread  of  Pestalozzian  Schools  and  Methods 

through  Europe 

The  principles  of  Pestalozzi  and  institutions  similar 
to  his  were  soon  spread  by  his  assistants  and  others 
throughout  Europe.  Strange  to  say,  as  a  result  of 
their  familiarity  with  his  weaknesses  and  the  conserva¬ 
tism  resulting  from  isolation,  the  Swiss  were,  as  a  whole, 
rather  slow  to  incorporate  the  Pestalozzian  improve¬ 
ments  in  their  school  organization  and  methods  of 
teaching.  Zurich  was,  however,  an  exception  to  the 
general  rule.  This  city  was  naturally  more  progressive 
and  had  previously  been  a  seat  of  reform  in  matters 
religious.1  Here  Zeller  of  Wiirtemberg,  who  had  visited 
Burgdorf  and  lectured  at  Hofwyl,  was  early  invited  to 
give  three  courses  of  lectures  in  aid  of  the  establishment 
of  a  teachers’  seminary  upon  the  Pestalozzian  principles. 
A  large  number  of  teachers,  clergymen,  and  persons  of 
prominence  heard  these  lectures,  and  thus  increased  the 
body  of  those  disseminating  the  new  educational  reforms. 

1  See  Graves,  A  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition ,  pp.  189  f. 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  155 


Kriisi,  after  leaving  the  institute  at  Y verdun,  also 
founded  a  number  of  schools  and  carried  Pestalozzian- 
ism  into  various  parts  of  Switzerland.  He  finally,  in 
1833,  became  the  director  of  a  teachers’  seminary  at  his 
native  village  of  Gais.  Near  this  institution  he  founded 
two  Pestalozzian  schools  under  the  management  of  his 
daughter,  and  during  the  last  decade  of  his  life  con¬ 
tributed  largely  to  the  Pestalozzian  literature.  Many 
other  disciples  eventually  started  or  reorganized  schools 
in  various  parts  of  Switzerland  upon  the  principles  of 
Pestalozzi,  and,  before  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  educational  conditions  had  greatly  changed  in 
Switzerland.  Pestalozzi’s  ‘observation’  methods  were 
in  general  use,  every  canton  had  its  ‘farm  school,’  and 
industrial  training  had  been  introduced  into  most  of  the 
normal  schools. 

But  the  reforms  never  secured  the  hold  upon  the  coun-  Prussia, 
try  of  their  origin  that  they  did  in  Germany.  The 
innovations  were  most  remarkable  in  Prussia,  and  the 
system  there  has,  in  consequence,  often  been  referred 
to  as  the  ‘Prussian-Pestalozzian.’  By  the  beginning  of 
the  nineteenth  century  Pestalozzianism  began  to  find 
its  way  there.  In  1801  the  appeal  of  Pestalozzi  for  a 
public  subscription  in  behalf  of  his  project  at  Burgdorf 
was  warmly  supported.  The  next  year  the  publication 
by  Herbart  of  Pestalozzi’s  A  B  C  of  Observation  attracted 
much  attention.  A  representative  was  sent  from 


156  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Prussia  to  Burgdorf  to  report  upon  the  new  system  in 
1803.  Meanwhile  the  Pestalozzian  missionaries  were 
fast  converting  the  land.  Plamann,  who  had  visited 
Burgdorf,  established  in  1805,  after  several  other  edu¬ 
cational  enterprises,  a  Pestalozzian  school  in  Berlin,1 
and  published  several  books  applying  the  new  methods 
to  language,  geography,  and  natural  history.  The  same 
year  Griiner  opened  a  similar  school  at  Frankfurt, 
which  was  later  the  means  of  starting  Froebel  upon  an 
educational  career.  Zeller  was  coaxed  away  from  Wiir- 
temberg,  and  in  the  seminary  at  Konigsberg  lectured 
to  large  audiences,  and  organized  a  Pestalozzian  orphan¬ 
age  there.  A  similar  institution  for  educating  orphans 
was  opened  at  Potsdam  by  von  Tiirck.  In  1808,  two 
of  Pestalozzi’s  pupils,  Nicolovius  and  Silvern,  were  made 
directors  of  public  instruction  in  Prussia,  and  sent 
seventeen  brilliant  young  men  to  Yverdun  to  study  for 
three  years.  Upon  their  return  these  vigorous  youthful 
educators  zealously  advanced  the  cause.  The  greatest 
impulse,  however,  was  given  the  movement  by  the  phi¬ 
losopher,  Fichte.  In  the  course  of  his  Addresses  to  the 
German  Nation,  1807-1808,  he  described  the  work  of 
Pestalozzi  and  declared :  — 

“To  the  course  of  instruction  which  has  been  invented  and 
brought  forward  by  Heinrich  Pestalozzi,  and  which  is  now  being 

1  Froebel  taught  in  this  school  while  studying  at  the  University  of 
Berlin.  See  p.  199. 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  157 


successfully  carried  out  under  his  direction,  must  we  look  for  our 
regeneration.”  1 

In  this  position  Fichte  was  ardently  supported  by 
King  Friedrich  Wilhelm  III,  and  even  more  by  his 
noble  queen,  Luise,  who  now  felt  that  only  through 
these  advanced  educational  principles  could  a  restora¬ 
tion  of  the  territory  and  prestige  lost  to  Napoleon  at 
Jena  be  effected.  Throughout  his  reign  the  king  took 
the  keenest  interest  in  the  Pestalozzian  schools,  and  the 
queen  frequently  went  to  visit  the  institutions  of 
Zeller. 

A  similar  spirit  was  animating  the  other  states  of 
Germany.  As  early  as  1803,  Bavaria  sent  an  educator 
named  Muller  to  Burgdorf  to  study  the  methods, 
and  upon  his  return  he  started  a  school  at  Mainz. 
Saxony  authorized  Blochmann,  a  former  pupil  of  Pesta- 
lozzi,  to  reorganize  its  schools  upon  the  new  basis. 
Through  Denzel,  Wiirtemberg  introduced  the  new 
methods,  and  during  the  first  decade  of  the  century 
many  Pestalozzians  were  appointed  seminary  directors 
and  school  inspectors.  Denzel  also  organized  the  school 
system  for  the  duchy  of  Nassau.  The  Princess  Pauline 
of  Detmold  and  other  rulers  were  likewise  eager  to  im¬ 
prove  the  education  of  their  realms  by  the  introduction 

1  The  Reden  an  die  Deutsche  Nation  number  fourteen  in  all.  This 
indorsement  of  Pestalozzi’s  principles  occurs  in  the  tenth. 


and  other 
states  of 
Germany, 


158  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


France, 


of  the  new  principles.  Everywhere  in  Germany  the 
greatest  enthusiasm  prevailed  among  teachers,  state 
officials,  and  princes. 

Thus  in  place  of  the  reading,  singing,  and  memoriz¬ 
ing  of  texts,  songs,  and  catechism,  under  the  direction  of 
incompetent  choristers  and  sextons,  with  unsanitary 
buildings  and  brutal  punishment,  all  Germany  has  come 
to  have  in  each  village  an  institution  for  training  real 
men  and  women.  Each  school  is  under  the  guidance  of 
a  devoted,  humane,  and  seminary-bred  teacher,  and 
the  methods  in  religion,  reading,  arithmetic,  history, 
geography,  and  elementary  science  are  vitalized  and 
interesting.  Moreover,  the  industrial  work  suggested 
by  Pestalozzi  and  Fellenberg  is  in  successful  operation 
in  most  of  the  reform  schools,  as  well  as  in  the  Fort- 
bildungsschulen  (‘continuation  schools’)  of  the  regular 
system.  As  a  result,  the  German  schools  have  for  the 
past  three  or  four  generations  been  considered  models, 
and  have  been  visited  by  educators  and  distinguished 
men  from  every  land. 

In  France  the  spread  of  Pestalozzianism  was  at  first 
prevented  by  the  military  spirit  of  the  time  and  by  the 
apathy  in  education,  and  later,  when  the  reaction 
occurred,  the  schools  came  under  ecclesiastical  control 
and  had  little  influence  upon  the  people.  Nevertheless, 
there  were  evidences  of  interest  in  the  new  doctrines. 
General  Jullien  came  to  Yverdun  to  study  the  methods, 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  159 


and  issued  two  commendatory  reports,  which  induced 
some  thirty  French  pupils  to  go  to  Pestalozzi ’s  institute. 
Chavannes  also  published  a  treatise  upon  the  Pesta- 
lozzian  methods  in  1805.  Three  years  later  the  philoso¬ 
pher,  de  Biran,  founded  a  Pestalozzian  school  under  the 
management  of  a  certain  Barraud,  whom  he  had  sent  to 
study  under  Pestalozzi.  These  efforts,  however,  had 
little  effect  upon  education,  and  the  Pestalozzian  prin¬ 
ciples  did  not  make  much  headway  in  France  up  to  the 
revolution  of  1830.  After  that  time  they  rapidly  became 
popular,  especially  through  Victor  Cousin.  This  famous 
professor  and  minister  of  public  instruction  issued  in 
1835  a  Report  on  the  State  of  Public  Instruction  in  Prussia, 
which  showed  the  great  merit  of  Pestalozzianism  in  the 
elementary  schools  of  that  country.  The  other  great 
minister,  Guizot,  had  likewise  recommended  the  Prus¬ 
sian  schools  as  the  best  type  for  the  reform  movement, 
and  had  shown  himself  most  zealous  in  training  teachers 
for  their  vocation  after  the  ideals  of  Pestalozzi. 

Spain  at  first  took  kindly  to  the  new  methods.  A 
few  schools  were  founded  on  these  principles,  and  a 
number  of  pupils  sent  to  Pestalozzi  through  the  gov¬ 
ernment,  but  a  reaction  soon  occurred  and  education 
was  turned  over  to  the  ecclesiastical  authorities.  In 
Russia  the  Czar  showed  himself  interested  in  Pestalozzi’s 
work,  a  school  similar  to  the  ‘institutes’  was  founded, 
and  a  former  assistant  of  Pestalozzi  became  tutor  to  the 


Spain, 


Russia, 


i6o  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


England, 
and  else¬ 
where. 


royal  princes,  but  probably  nothing  permanent  was  ac¬ 
complished.  Schools  were  also  established  before  long  in 
Italy,  Denmark,  and  Holland  by  Pestalozzians,  but  none 
of  them  met  with  much  success,  and  continental  Europe 
in  general  eventually  adopted  the  new  principles  in¬ 
directly  from  Germany. 

In  England  there  was  a  tendency  to  combine  Pes- 
talozzianism  with  the  Bell-Lancaster  ‘monitorial’ 1  sys¬ 
tem  and  to  adopt  rather  its  formal  methodological 
aspects  than  its  underlying  spirit.  However,  the  Pesta- 
lozzian  school  of  Dr.  Mayo  and  his  sister  near  London 
during  the  second  quarter  of  the  century  was  famous 
both  for  its  methods  and  its  teachers.  The  Mayos, 
together  with  a  friend  and  admirer  of  Pestalozzi,  named 
Greaves,  and  the  reformer’s  biographer,  Biber,  did  much 
at  this  time  for  the  cause  of  educational  reform. 
Through  their  efforts,  with  the  cooperation  of  many 
other  educators,  ‘The  Home  and  Colonial  Society’ 2  was 
established  in  1836  largely  upon  Pestalozzian  principles, 
and  a  number  of  training  schools  were  founded.  The 
industrial  training  of  Pestalozzi  has  also  found  a  foot¬ 
hold  in  England,  and  in  the  well-known  Red  Hill  school 
and  farm  for  young  criminals  and  in  other  institutions  it 
has  produced  remarkable  results. 

1  See  pp.  237-243. 

2  See  footnote  on  p.  229. 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  161 


Pestalozzianism  in  the  United  States 


Pestalozzianism  began  to  appear  in  the  United  States 
as  early  as  the  first  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
It  was  introduced,  not  only  from  the  original  centers  in 
Switzerland,  but  indirectly  in  the  form  it  had  assumed 
in  Germany,  France,  England,  and  other  countries. 
The  instances  of  its  appearance  were  sporadic  and  seem 
to  have  been  but  little  connected  at  any  time.  The 
earliest  presentation  was  that  made  from  the  treatise 
of  Chavannes  in  1805  by  William  McClure.  This 
gentleman  was  a  retired  Scotch-American  merchant  and 
man  of  science,  who  had,  upon  the  invitation  of  Na¬ 
poleon,  gone  to  visit  the  orphanage  at  Paris  directed  by 
Joseph  Neef,  a  former  teacher  at  Burgdorf.  Mr. 
McClure  afterward  spent  much  time  at  the  institute  in 
Yverdun,  and  by  his  writings,  articles,  and  financial 
support  did  much  to  make  the  new  principles  known  in 
the  United  States.  In  1806  he  induced  Neef  to  come 
to  America  and  become  his  “  master’s  apostle  in  the  new 
world.”  Neef  maintained  an  institution  at  Philadelphia 
for  three  years  and  afterward  founded  and  taught 
schools  in  several  parts  of  the  country.  But  his  imper« 
feet  acquaintance  with  English  and  with  American 
character  and  his  frequent  migrations  prevented  his 
personal  influence  from  being  greatly  felt,  and  the  two 
excellent  works  that  he  published  upon  applications 


In  the 

United  States 
Pestalozzian¬ 
ism  was  in¬ 
troduced  by- 
William 
McClure 
through 
Joseph 
Neef; 


M 


1 62  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


a  large 
number  of 
articles  and 
translations 
were  pub¬ 
lished  on  the 
subject;  and 
applications 
were  made 
by  Colburn, 
Guyot,  and 
Mason. 


The  most  in¬ 
fluential 
movements, 
however, 


of  the  Pestalozzian  methods  were  given  scant  atten¬ 
tion.1 

A  large  variety  of  literature,  describing  the  new  edu¬ 
cation,  and  translating  the  accounts  of  Chavannes, 
Jullien,  Cousin,  and  a  number  of  the  German  educa¬ 
tionalists,  also  appeared  in  the  American  educational 
and  other  journals  during  the  first  half  of  the  century. 
Returned  travelers,  like  Professor  John  Griscom,  published 
accounts  of  their  visits  and  experiences  at  Y verdun  and 
Hofwyl,  and  such  lecturers  as  the  Rev.  Charles  Brooks 
began  to  suggest  the  new  principles  as  a  remedy  for 
our  educational  deficiencies.  The  Pestalozzian  methods 
were  applied  to  arithmetic  by  Warren  Colburn,  who 
spread  ‘  mental  arithmetic  ’  throughout  the  country, 
and  in  his  famous  First  Lessons  even  printed  the  Table 
of  units  ’ ;  to  geography  by  Arnold  Guyot,  a  pupil  of 
Ritter’s ;  to  music  by  Lowell  Mason,  who  was  influenced 
by  the  works  of  Nageli;  and  to  various  other  subjects 
by  a  number  of  educators.  Bronson  Alcott  and  his 
brother  urged  and  practiced  the  principles  of  Pestalozzi 
in  their  schools,  and  David  P.  Page,  as  principal  of  the 
New  York  State  Normal  School,  utilized  the  spirit  and 
many  of  the  methods  of  the  Swiss  reformer. 

The  most  influential  propaganda  of  the  Pestalozzian 
doctrines  in  the  United  States,  however,  came  through 
the  account  of  the  German  school  methods  in  the  Seventh 

1  For  a  further  account  of  Neef’s  work,  see  Education,  Vol.  XIV,  pp. 
449-461. 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  163 

Annual  Report  (1843)  of  Horace  Mann,  and  through  the 
inauguration  of  the  ‘Oswego  methods’  by  Dr.  Edward  A. 
Sheldon.  Mann  spoke  most  enthusiastically  of  the  suc¬ 
cess  of  the  Prussian-Pestalozzian  system  of  education 
and  hinted  at  the  need  of  a  radical  reform  along  the 
same  lines  in  America.  The  report  caused  a  great  sen¬ 
sation,  and  was  bitterly  combated  by  a  group  of  thirty- 
one  Boston  schoolmasters  and  by  conservative  sentiment 
throughout  the  country.  Nevertheless,  the  suggested 
reforms  were  largely  effected,  and  were  carried  much 
further  by  the  successors  of  Mann  in  the  secretaryship 
of  the  Massachusetts  State  Board  of  Education.1 

Dr.  Sheldon,  on  the  other  hand,  caught  his  Pesta- 
lozzian  inspiration  from  Toronto,  Canada,  where  he 
became  acquainted  with  the  Mayo  methods  through 
publications  of  the  Home  and  Colonial  Society.  He 
resolved  to  introduce  the  principles  of  Pestalozzi  into 
the  Oswego  schools,  of  which  he  was  at  that  time  super¬ 
intendent,  and  in  1861  sent  to  the  Society  in  London 
for  an  experienced  Pestalozzian  to  train  his  teachers  in 
these  methods.  After  a  year  and  a  half  of  the  experi¬ 
ment,  a  committee  of  distinguished  educators,  who  had 
been  invited  to  inspect  the  work,  pronounced  the  Oswego 
movement  an  unqualified  success.  Superintendent  Shel¬ 
don  had  from  the  first  admitted  a  few  teachers  from 
outside  to  learn  the  new  methods,  and  in  1865  the 
Oswego  training  school  was  made  a  state  institution. 

1  See  pp.  260  f. 


were  brought 
about  by 
Horace 
Mann’s 
Seventh  An¬ 
nual  Report 


and  by 
Dr.  Sheldon’s 
*  Oswego 
methods.’ 


Pestalozzi’s 
industrial 
education 
was  intro¬ 
duced  by 
Woodbridge 
and  Miss 
Carpenter, 
and  by  the 
institution 
of  special 
types  of 
colleges  and 
schools. 


164  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 

Thus  was  established  the  first  normal  school  in  the 
United  States,  where  object  lessons  were  the  chief  feature, 
and  where  classes  were  conducted  by  model  teachers 
and  practice  teaching  afforded  under  the  supervision  of 
critic  teachers.  The  excellent  teachers  graduated  from 
this  institution  caused  the  Oswego  methods  to  be  widely 
known  throughout  the  country.  A  large  number  of 
other  normal  schools  upon  the  same  basis  sprang  up 
rapidly  in  many  states,  and  the  Oswego  methods  crept 
into  the  training  schools  and  the  public  system  of  numer¬ 
ous  cities.  As  a  consequence,  during  the  third  quarter 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  Pestalozzianism  had  a  pre¬ 
vailing  influence  upon  the  teachers  and  courses  of  the 
elementary  schools  in  the  United  States. 

The  industrial  phases  of  Pestalozzi’s  and  Fellenberg’s 
work,  however,  were  slower  in  coming  into  the  United 
States  than  into  most  of  the  European  countries.  They 
were  given  publicity  through  the  descriptions  of  William 
C.  Woodbridge  in  the  American  Journal  of  Education 
and  the  American  Annals  of  Education  in  1831-1832, 
after  his  visit  to  Hofwyl,  and  through  articles  by  others 
on  the  subject,  and  were  rapidly  introduced  into  various 
types  of  schools.  It  was  not,  however,  until  1873,  with 
the  visit  of  Miss  Mary  Carpenter,  the  English  prison 
reformer,  that  the  1  contract  labor’  of  the  reformatories 
began  to  be  replaced  with  farming,  gardening,  and 
kindred  domestic  industries.  But  in  the  second  quarter 


PESTALOZZI,  EDUCATION  AS  DEVELOPMENT  165 


of  the  nineteenth  century  a  very  large  number  of  insti¬ 
tutions  of  secondary  or  higher  grade  with  manual  labor 
features,  in  addition  to  the  literary  work,  sprang  into 
existence  in  the  United  States.  The  students  were  thus 
enabled  to  obtain  exercise  and  self-support  throughout 
their  course.  Little  attention  was  given  to  the  peda¬ 
gogical  principles  underlying  this  work,  however,  and  as 
material  conditions  improved  and  formal  social  life  de¬ 
veloped,  the  industrial  work  of  most  of  these  institutions 
was  given  up.  Further,  such  schools  as  Carlisle,  Hamp¬ 
ton,  and  Tuskegee  adopted  industrial  training  for  some 
special  type  of  education,  and  the  work  has  also  been 
largely  used  in  the  education  of  defectives.  Within  the 
last  decade  there  has  been  a  growing  tendency  to 
employ  industrial  training  for  the  sake  of  holding  pupils 
longer  in  school  and  increasing  the  efficiency  of  the  pub¬ 
lic  system.  In  so  far  as  this  has  tended  to  replace  the 
more  general  educational  values  of  manual  training,  once 
so  popular,  with  skill  in  some  special  industrial  process, 
this  modern  movement  represents  a  return  to  Pestalozzi. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING1 
I.  Sources 

Neef,  F.  J.  N.  Sketch  of  a  Plan  and  Method  of  Education  and 
The  Method  of  Instructing  Children  Rationally  in  the  Arts  of 
Reading  and  Writing. 

1  For  a  more  complete  bibliography  of  Pestalozzian  literature,  see 
Barnard,  Pestalozzi  and  his  Educational  System ,  pp.  167-184. 


1 66  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


*Pestalozzi,  J.  H.  The  Evening  Hour  of  a  Hermit ,  Letters  on 
Early  Education,1  Leonard  and  Gertrude,  and  How  Gertrude 
Teaches  Her  Children. 

II.  Authorities 

Bachman,  F.  P.  The  Social  Factor  in  Pestalozzi’s  Theory  of 
Education  (. Education ,  Vol.  XXII,  pp.  402-414). 

*Guimps,  R.  de.  Pestalozzi,  His  Aim  and  Work.  (Translated 
by  Crombie.) 

Hamilton,  C.  J.  Henri  Pestalozzi  (. Educational  Review,  Vol.  Ill, 
pp.  173-184). 

Herisson,  F.  Pestalozzi,  eleve  de  J.  J.  Rousseau. 

*Holman,  H.  Pestalozzi. 

Hoyt,  C.  O.  Studies  in  the  History  of  Modern  Education.  Chap. 
III. 

Kellogg,  A.  M.  Life  of  Pestalozzi. 

*Krusi,  H.  Pestalozzi,  His  Life,  Work,  and  Influence. 

Misawa,  T.  Modern  Educators  and  Their  Ideals.  Chap.  VI. 

Monroe,  W.  S.  Joseph  Neef  and  Pestalozzianism  in  the  United 
States  (. Education ,  Vol.  XIV,  pp.  449-461). 

Morf,  H.  Zur  Biographie  Pestalozzi1 s. 

Munroe,  J.  P.  The  Educational  Ideal.  Pp.  179-187. 

Payne,  J.  Lectures  on  the  History  of  Education.  Lect.  IX. 

*Pinloche,  A.  Pestalozzi  and  the  Foundation  of  the  Modern  Ele¬ 
mentary  School. 

*Quick,  R.  H.  Educational  Reformers.  Pp.  354*1-383. 

Sheldon,  E.  A.  The  Oswego  Movement. 

1  A  series  of  letters  written  in  1818-1820  to  J.  P.  Greaves,  an  English¬ 
man  who  had  taught  at  Yverdun  for  a  time  and  then  returned  home. 


CHAPTER  X 


HERBART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE 

A  most  elaborate  development  of  Pestalozzi’s  prin¬ 
ciples  was  that  introduced  by  Herbart.  This  great 
educationalist  was  first  inspired  by  the  Swiss  reformer, 
but  his  careful  training  and  his  keen  philosophical  in¬ 
sight  caused  him  to  work  out  more  clearly  and  definitely 
the  1  observation  ’  and  the  pedagogical  devices  of  his 
homely  master  until  they  formed  a  well-rounded  system. 
He  stressed  the  educational  process  from  the  stand¬ 
point  of  the  teacher,  and  paid  the  most  minute  atten¬ 
tion  to  method.  He  is  the  first  example  of  the  philos¬ 
opher  and  psychologist  in  education.  His  contemporary, 
Froebel,  was  an  immediate  pupil  and  colleague  of  Pes- 
talozzi,  and  probably  owed  more  to  his  influence.  He, 
however,  lacked  the  complete  philosophic  insight  and 
training  of  Herbart,  and  never  became  quite  as  clear  and 
systematic,  or  paid  such  minute  attention  to  method. 

The  Early  Career  and  Writings  of  Herbart 

Johann  Friedrich  Herbart  (1776-1841)  both  by  birth 
and  education  possessed  a  remarkable  mind  and  was 
well  calculated  to  become  a  profound  educational 

philosopher.  All  his  traditions  were  intellectual.  His 

167 


Herbart  de- . 
veloped 
Pestalozzi’s 
principles 
elaborately, 
emphasizing 
the  teacher 
and  method. 


Herbart’s 
traditions 
were  all  in¬ 
tellectual, 
and  while 
still  in  the 


1 68  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


gymnasium 
and  univer¬ 
sity  he 
greatly 
distinguished 
himself. 


As  a  private 
tutor  he  ob¬ 
tained  his 
only  practical 
experience  in 
pedagogy. 


paternal  grandfather  was  rector  of  the  gymnasium  at 
Oldenburg,  Herbart’s  native  town,  and  his  father  was 
a  lawyer  and  privy  councilor  there.  Moreover,  the 
mother  of  Herbart  is  known  to  have  been  ‘a  rare  and 
wonderful  woman/  who  was  able  to  assist  her  son  in 
his  Greek  and  mathematics,  and  to  do  much  toward 
directing  his  education.  While  still  a  youth  in  the 
gymnasium,  Herbart  showed  that  he  himself  possessed 
that  ‘ many-sided  and  balanced  interest’  he  afterward 
commended,  and  soon  distinguished  himself  by  writing 
essays  upon  moral  freedom  and  other  metaphysical 
subjects.  At  the  University  of  Jena,  under  the  inspira¬ 
tion  of  Fichte,  he  produced  incisive  critiques  upon  the 
treatises  of  that  philosopher  and  of  the  other  great 
idealist  of  the  age,  Schelling,  and  began  to  work  out  his 
own  system  of  thought.  Just  before  graduation,  how¬ 
ever,  Herbart  left  the  university  to  become  private  tutor 
to  the  three  sons  of  Herr  von  Steiger-Reggisberg,  Gov¬ 
ernor  of  Interlaken,  Switzerland.  During  the  two  years 
(1797-1799)  that  he  occupied  this  position,  he  obtained 
his  only  real  practical  experience  in  pedagogy.  He  was 
required  by  his  patron  to  make  bi-monthly  a  written  re¬ 
port  of  the  methods  he  used  and  of  his  pupils’  progress 
in  their  studies  and  conduct.  Five  of  these  letters  are 
still  extant,  and  reveal  the  germs  of  the  elaborate  system 
that  was  afterward  to  bear  the  name  of  Herbart.  The 
youthful  pedagogue  seems  thus  early  to  have  based  his 


HERB  ART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE  169 


methods  of  training  upon  psychology.  He  showed  a  due 
regard  for  the  respective  ages  and  individualities  of  his 
pupils,  and  undertook  to  develop  in  them  the  elements 
of  morality  and  a  ‘ many-sided  interest.’ 

While  in  Switzerland,  Herbart  met  Pestalozzi  and 
was  greatly  attracted  by  the  underlying  principles  of 
that  reformer.  He  paid  a  visit  to  the  institute  at  Burg- 
dorf  in  1799,  and  during  the  next  two  years,  while  at 
Bremen  completing  his  interrupted  university  course, 
he  attempted  to  render  more  scientific  the  thought  of 
the  Swiss  educator.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Herbart 
wrote  a  critical,  but  kindly,  essay  On  Pestalozzi' s  Latest 
Writing,  1  How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children ,’ 1  and 
made  his  interpretation  of  Pestalozzi' s  Idea  of  an  ABC 
of  Observation.2  In  the  former  work,  Herbart  gives  an 
account  of  the  aim  and  methods  of  Pestalozzi  and  shows 
the  development  of  his  own  ideas  from  Pestalozzianism. 
The  latter  treatise  describes  the  value,  cultivation,  and 
use  of  observation,  and  attempts  to  found  the  method 
of  Pestalozzi  upon  a  definite  mathematical  theory. 

His  Moral  Revelation  of  the  World  and  His 
General  Pedagogy 

Following  this  period,  from  1802  to  1809,  Herbart  lec¬ 
tured  3  on  pedagogy  at  the  University  of  Gottingen. 

1  Ueber  Pestalozzi’ s  neueste  Schrift:  Wie  Gertrud  ihre  Kinder  lehrte. 

2  Pestalozzi’ s  Idee  eines  ABC  der  Anschauung. 

3  His  position  was  at  first  that  of  a  Privatdocent.  See  p.  68,  footnote  2. 


Having  met 
Pestalozzi  at 
Burgdorf, 
he  under¬ 
took  to  inter¬ 
pret  that 
reformer’s 
principles  in 
two  essays. 


While  lectur¬ 
ing  at  Gottin¬ 
gen,  Herbart 


170  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


further  in¬ 
terpreted 
Pestalozzi, 
and  wrote  his 
own  Moral 
Revelation 
of  the  World 
and  his  work 
on  General 
Pedagogy. 


While  here,  among  other  pedagogical  works,  he  formu¬ 
lated  his  final  position  On  the  Point  of  View  in  Judging 
the  Pestalozzian  Method  of  Instruction,1  and  published 
his  ideas  On  the  Moral  Revelation  of  the  World  as 
the  Chief  Function  of  Education .2  By  this  time  he 
seems  to  have  largely  crystallized  his  own  system. 
Pestalozzi  had  by  his  later  works  made  evident  the 
faults  in  his  methods,  and  Herbart  no  longer  strives 
to  conceal  their  vagueness  and  want  of  system.  In 
both  of  the  Gottingen  treatises  he  further  insists  upon 
‘educative  instruction/  or  real  ethical  training.  Sense 
perception,  he  holds  with  Pestalozzi,  does  supply  the 
first  elements  of  knowledge,  but  the  material  of  the 
school  course  should  be  arranged  with  reference  to 
the  general  purpose  of  instruction,  which  is  moral 
self-realization. 2  His  position  was  made  even  clearer 
in  his  standard  work  on  General  Pedagogy ,3  which  he 
produced  shortly  afterward. 


1  Ueber  den  Standputikt  der  Beurtheilung  der  Pestalozzischen  Unter- 
richtsmethode. 

2  Ueber  die  asthetische  Darstellung  der  Welt  als  Hauptgeschdft  der  Erzie- 
hnng.  With  Herbart,  ethics  is  the  main  branch  of  ‘aesthetics/  and  deals 
with  such  relations  among  volitions  as  please  or  displease.  This  work 
was  originally  intended  as  an  appendix  to  the  second  edition  of  his 
Pestalozzi’s  Idea  of  an  A  B  C  of  Sense  Observation,  but  it  proved 
to  be  a  forerunner  of  his  General  Pedagogy.  It  contains  in  outline 
all  the  positions  systematically  developed  in  the  more  elaborate 
treatise. 

3  Allgemeine  Padagogik. 


HERB  ART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE  17 1 


His  Seminary  and  Practice  School  at  Konigsberg 

In  1809  Herbart  was  called  to  the  chair  of  philosophy 
at  Konigsberg  as  practically  the  successor  of  the  illus¬ 
trious  Immanuel  Kant,1  and  there  did  his  great  work 
for  educational  theory  and  practice.  He  soon  estab¬ 
lished  his  now  historic  pedagogical  seminary  and  the 
practice  school  connected  with  it.  This  constituted  the 
first  attempt  at  experimentation  and  a  scientific  study 
of  education  on  the  basis  now  generally  employed  in 
universities.  The  students,  who  taught  in  the  practice 
school  under  the  supervision  and  criticism  of  the  pro¬ 
fessor,  were  intending  to  become  school  principals  and 
inspectors,  and,  through  the  widespread  work  and 
influence  of  these  young  Herbartians,  the  educational 
system  of  Prussia  and  of  every  other  state  in  Germany 
was  greatly  advanced.  In  his  numerous  publications 
at  Konigsberg,  Herbart  devoted  himself  chiefly  to  de¬ 
veloping  a  series  of  works  on  his  system  of  psychology, 
but  he  also  wrote  a  number  of  essays  and  letters  upon 
education.  The  conservatism  and  opposition  to  free 
inquiry  in  Prussia,  however,  eventually  became  too 
restrictive  for  a  man  of  Herbart’s  progressive  tempera¬ 
ment. 

1  Kant  died  in  1804,  and  was  succeeded  by  Wilhelm  Traugott  Krug, 
who  resigned  in  1809  to  accept  the  chair  at  Leipzig. 


As  Kant’s 
successor  at 
Konigsberg, 
he  established 
his  famous 
pedagogical 
seminary  and 
practice 
school,  and 
wrote  chiefly 
on  psychol¬ 
ogy. 


172  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Late  in  life, 
he  returned 
to  Gottingen, 
and  pub¬ 
lished  his 
Outlines  of 
Pedagogical 
Lectures  and 
his  Outlines 
of  General 
Pedagogy. 


Some  knowl¬ 
edge  of  Her- 
bart’s  psy¬ 
chology  is 
necessary,  in 
order  to  un¬ 
derstand  his 
educational 
principles. 


The  Matured  System  in  His  Outlines 

After  serving  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century  in  Konigs- 
berg,  he  accepted  a  call  to  a  professorship  at  Gottingen, 
and  the  last  eight  years  of  his  life  were  spent  in  expand¬ 
ing  his  pedagogical  positions  and  lecturing  with  great 
approval  at  his  old  station.  Here,  in  1835,  he  published 
his  Outlines  of  Pedagogical  Lectures f  in  which  six  years 
later  he  embodied  his  Outlines  of  General  Pedagogy.2 
This  treatise  gives  an  exposition  of  his  educational  sys¬ 
tem  when  fully  matured,  together  with  its  relation  to 
psychology.  The  work  proved  to  be  his  swan’s  song, 
for,  shortly  after  the  new  edition  appeared,  Herbart  died 
at  the  height  of  his  reputation.3 

Herbart’s  *  Ideas  ’  and  ‘Apperception  Masses’ 

To  understand  the  educational  principles  of  Herbart, 
it  is  necessary  to  know  something  of  his  psychology 
and  of  the  metaphysics  lying  back  of  it.  With  the 
possible  exception  of  Kant’s  educational  theories,  Her- 
bart’s  was  the  first  real  system  of  education  that  was 

1  Umriss  pddagogischer  Vorlesungen. 

2  Umriss  der  allgemeinen  Pddagogik. 

3  His  complete  works  were  not  published  until  1850,  when  Hartenstein 
collected  them.  The  most  satisfactory  collection  at  present  is  that  found 
in  the  seventh  edition  of  Bartholomai,  revised  by  von  Sallwiirk  (Langen- 
salza,  1903). 


HERB  ART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE  173 


based  upon  a  psychology  worked  out  by  the  founder. 
His  psychological  positions  have  now  been  almost  en¬ 
tirely  abandoned  or  reconstructed,  but  the  idea  of 
founding  education  upon  psychology  has  been  produc¬ 
tive  of  a  marked  advance  in  educational  theory.  This 
system  of  psychology  was  an  outgrowth  of  his  own 
introspection.  With  Herbart,  the  simplest  elements  of 
consciousness  are  ‘  ideas/  which  result  from  the  vary¬ 
ing  states  into  which  the  soul  is  thrown  in  endeavoring 
to  maintain  itself  against  external  stimuli.  Once  pro¬ 
duced,  the  ideas  become  existences  with  their  own 
dynamic  force,  and  constantly  strive  to  preserve  them¬ 
selves.1  They  struggle  to  attain  as  nearly  as  possible 
to  the  summit  of  consciousness,  and  each  idea  tends 
to  draw  into  consciousness  or  heighten  those  allied  to 
it,  and  to  depress  or  force  out  those  which  are  unlike. 
Hence  in  the  constant  interaction  between  ideas  present 


1  This  psychology  is  part  of  a  pluralistic  metaphysics  somewhat  re¬ 
sembling  the  doctrine  of  ‘ideas’  in  Plato  or  Kant’s  ‘Dinge  an  sich,’ 
and  even  more  the  ‘monadology’  of  Leibnitz.  Herbart  assumes  an 
unseen  universe,  composed  of  ‘units’  called  ‘reals,’  which  are  unchange¬ 
able  and  constitute  the  ‘noumena’  of  which  our  experiences  are  the  ‘phe¬ 
nomena.’  His  ‘reals,’  however,  are  mere  existences,  and,  unlike  the 
‘monads,’  do  not  possess  activity  of  any  sort,  save  that  of  ‘self-preserva¬ 
tion’  against  annihilation.  The  soul  is  simply  a  species  of  superior  ‘real.’ 
Its  sole  function  in  psychology  seems  to  be  that  of  producing  the  ideas  or 
mind  atoms  in  reaction  to  the  outside  world,  for  once  the  ideas  are  born 
they  go  on  by  their  own  laws,  and  the  parent  ‘  soul  ’  plays  no  further  part 
in  their  life. 


174  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


‘  Similar  ’ 
ideas  fuse, 
‘disparate’ 
ideas  com¬ 
bine,  and 
‘  contrary  ’ 
ideas  repel  ; 


hence  we 
have  ‘apper¬ 
ception,’  or 
the  inter¬ 
pretation  of 
all  new  ideas 
through 


at  the  same  time  in  consciousness,  ‘similar’  ideas 
fuse  or  combine  into  a  homogeneous  whole,  and  be¬ 
come  more  powerful  in  resisting  all  efforts  to  drive 
them  out  of  consciousness;  ‘disparate’  ideas,  or  those 
which  cannot  be  compared,  also  combine,  but  form  a 
complex  or  group  rather  than  an  indistinguishable 
unity;  while  ‘contrary,’  or  hostile  ideas,  produce  actual 
opposition,  and  each  attempts  to  drive  the  other  out  of 
consciousness.  For  example,  ‘sweetness’  and  ‘white¬ 
ness’  would  be  ‘disparate’  ideas,  since  they  are  not 
of  the  same  class  and  might  coexist  in  our  idea  of  an 
object,  but  ‘whiteness’  and  ‘blackness’  are  so  ‘con¬ 
trary’  that  one  would  necessarily  contradict  the  other. 
Each  new  idea  or  group  of  ideas  is,  therefore,  re¬ 
tained,  modified,  or  rejected  according  to  its  degree 
of  harmony  or  conflict  with  the  previously  existing 
ideas.1  In  other  words,  all  new  ideas  are  interpreted 
through  those  already  in  consciousness.  This  principle, 
which  Herbart  called  apperception ,  is  the  central  doctrine 
in  his  whole  educational  system,  and  he  constantly 
returns  to  it  from  many  different  angles.  In  accord¬ 
ance  with  ‘apperception’  the  teacher  can  hope  to 


1  Herbart  here  develops  a  complete  mechanics  of  ideas.  On  the  anal¬ 
ogy  of  psychical  tensions  to  physical  forces,  he  works  out  a  system  of 
mental  statics  and  dynamics  that  may  be  quantitatively  determined. 
Mental  action  and  reaction  are  set  forth  in  mathematical  equations;  the 
involution  and  evolution  of  thought  are  expressed  numerically,  and  ideas 
are  arranged  in  a  series. 


HERB  ART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE  175 


secure  interest  and  the  attention  of  the  pupil  to  any 
new  idea  or  set  of  ideas  and  have  him  retain  it,  only 
through  making  use  of  his  body  of  related  knowledge. 
The  educational  problem  thus  becomes  how  to  present 
new  material  in  such  a  way  that  it  can  be  ‘  apperceived/ 
or  incorporated  with  the  old.  Hence,  too,  the  soul  of 
the  pupil  is  largely  in  the  hands  of  the  teacher,  since 
he  can  make  or  modify  his  ‘apperception  masses/  or 
systems  of  ideas. 

The  Moral  and  Religious  Aim  of  Education 

It  is  probably  because  of  this  control  of  the  pupil’s 
destiny  by  his  instructors  that  Herbart  holds  the  aim 
of  education  should  be  to  establish  the  moral  life  or 
character.  His  Outlines  opens  with  the  statement:  — 

“The  term  ‘ virtue’  expresses  the  whole  purpose  of  education. 
Virtue  is  the  idea  of  ‘inner  freedom/  which  has  developed  into  an 
abiding  actuality  in  an  individual.  Whence,  as  inner  freedom  is 
a  relation  between  ‘insight’  and  ‘volition,’  a  double  task  is  at 
once  set  before  the  teacher.  It  becomes  his  business  to  make 
actual  each  one  of  these  factors  separately,  in  order  that  later  a 
permanent  relationship  may  result.” 

In  other  words,  virtue  is  attained  by  the  pupil  when 
his  perception  of  what  is  right  and  wrong  is  in  com¬ 
plete  accord  with  his  deeds,  and  the  aim  of  education 
should,  therefore,  be  to  instil  such  ideas  as  will  develop 
both  his  understanding  of  the  moral  order  and  a  con- 


those  already 
in  conscious¬ 
ness. 


The  aim  of 
education  is 
attainment 
of  character. 


Besides 
‘inner  free¬ 
dom,’  or  the 
harmoniza¬ 
tion  of  con¬ 
duct  with 
‘insight,’ 
Herbart 


176  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


formulates 
the  moral 
concepts  of 
‘efficiency  of 
will,’  ‘good 
will,’  ‘jus¬ 
tice,’  and 
‘equity.’ 


Morality  and 
religion  are 
both  needed. 


scientious  spirit  in  carrying  it  out.  “To  induce  the 
pupil  to  make  this  effort,”  Herbart  admits,  “is  a  diffi¬ 
cult  achievement.  It  is  easy  enough,  by  the  study  of 
the  example  of  others,  to  cultivate  theoretical  acumen; 
the  moral  application  to  the  pupil  himself,  however, 
can  be  successfully  made  only  in  so  far  as  his  inclina¬ 
tions  and  habits  have  taken  a  direction  in  keeping  with 
his  insight.”  To  make  clearer  the  meaning  of  this 
‘inner  freedom’  and  the  ethical  aim,  Herbart  formulates 
four  subsidiary  moral  concepts,  which  make  up  the  ele¬ 
ments  of  character  and  must  be  understood  by  the 
teacher.  These  are  ‘efficiency  of  will,’  which  includes 
positiveness  of  purpose,  vigor  in  action,  and  harmony 
with  the  ethical  order  of  the  world;  ‘good  will/  or 
recognition  of  the  welfare  of  others  as  if  it  were  one’s 
own;  ‘justice,’  the  idea  of  rights,  which  demands 
abstinence  from  contention;  and  ‘equity,’  which  arises 
when  existing  relations  are  changed  for  good  or  evil, 
and  is  the  basis  of  society’s  systems  of  punishments  or 
rewards.  These  five  fundamental  concepts  should  from 
the  first  be  incorporated  into  the  pupil’s  stock  of  ideas. 
But  even  the  attainment  of  moral  living  is  not  suf¬ 
ficient.  Herbart  declares :  — 


“It  is  necessary  to  combine  moral  education  proper,  which  in 
everyday  life  lays  stress  continually  on  correct  self-determination, 
with  religious  training.  The  notion  that  something  really  worthy 
has  been  achieved,  needs  to  be  tempered  by  humility.  Conversely, 


HERB  ART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE  177 


religious  education  has  need  of  the  moral  also  to  forestall  cant 
and  hypocrisy,  which  are  only  too  apt  to  appear  where  morality 
has  not  already  secured  a  firm  foothold  through  earnest  self¬ 
questioning  and  self-criticism  with  a  view  to  improvement.” 

‘Many-Sided  Interest’  and  the  ‘Historical’  and 

‘Scientific’  Studies 

The  making  of  the  morally  religious  man  is,  therefore, 
Herbart’s  idea  of  the  end  of  education.  His  ultimate 
aim  must,  however,  be  attained  through  instruction, 
and  since  that  medium  has  to  deal  with  the  human 
mind,  the  more  immediate  purpose  must  be  based  upon 
psychology,  just  as  the  final  goal  is  dependent  upon 
ethics.  It  is  obvious  to  Herbart  that  existing  instruc¬ 
tion  has  not  succeeded,  because  it  is  based  upon  a 
false  psychological  theory.  He  maintains  that  “what 
is  customarily  ascribed  to  the  action  of  the  various 
‘faculties’  takes  place  in  certain  groups  of  ideas.”1 
Even  ‘will,’  upon  which  man’s  character  rests,  is  not 
to  be  regarded  as  an  ‘independent  faculty.’  “Volition 
has  its  root  in  thought,”  he  claims,  “not,  indeed,  in  the 
details  one  knows,  but  certainly  in  the  combination  and 

1  From  the  nature  of  Herbart’s  psychology,  the  soul  or  self  cannot,  as 
with  Leibnitz  or  Kant,  be  an  original  synthetic  activity,  which  forms  expe¬ 
rience.  It  cannot  be  possessed  of  innate  powers  or  ‘faculties,’  as  sup¬ 
posed  by  those  who  would  treat  the  chief  types  of  mental  states  as  real 
forces,  but  consists  merely  of  the  aggregate  of  ideas  and  their  combina¬ 
tions. 


N 


178  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


To  produce 
the  ‘morally 
religious 
man/  a 
study  must 
be  made  of 
his  thought 
systems,  and 
such  studies 
as  will  appeal 
to  them  and 
furnish  a 
‘moral  reve¬ 
lation  of  the 
world  ’  must 
be  given  him. 


total  effect  of  the  acquired  ideas.”  A  careful  study 
must,  accordingly,  be  made  of  each  pupil’s  thought 
masses,  temperament,  and  mental  capacity  and  processes, 
to  determine  how  instruction  may  furnish  a  ‘  moral 
revelation  of  the  world.’  In  Herbart’s  judgment :  — 

“Instruction  in  the  sense  of  mere  information-giving  contains 
no  guarantee  whatever  that  it  will  materially  counteract  faults 
and  influence  existing  groups  of  ideas  that  are  independent  of  the 
imparted  information.  But  it  is  these  ideas  that  education  must 
reach ;  for  the  kind  and  extent  of  assistance  that  instruction  may 
render  to  conduct  may  depend  upon  the  hold  it  has  upon  them.” 


There  is  not  much  likelihood  of  the  pupil’s  receiving 
ideas  of  virtue  that  will  develop  into  glowing  ideals  of 
conduct  when  his  studies  do  not  appeal  to  his  thought 
systems  and  are  consequently  regarded  with  indifference 
and  aversion.  They  must  coalesce  with  the  ideas  he 
already  has,  and  thus  touch  his  life,  if  interest  is  to  be 
felt  and  will  aroused.  Instruction  must  be  so  selected 
and  arranged  as  to  appeal  to  the  previous  experience  of 
the  pupil,  and  to  reveal  all  the  relations  of  life  and  con¬ 
duct  in  their  fullness.  To  expand  the  mental  horizon  and 
open  every  avenue  of  approach  to  his  ideas,  interests, 
and  will,  it  is  necessary  that  the  pupil  should  be  given 
as  broad  instruction  as  possible.  In  this  way  only  can 
a  wide  range  of  ideas  be  furnished  and  the  necessary 
‘many-sided  interest’  created.  In  analyzing  the  ‘many- 
sided  interest,’  Herbart  further  holds  that  ideas  and 


HERB  ART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE  179 


interests  spring  from  two  main  sources,  —  ‘experience/ 
which  furnishes  us  with  a  knowledge  of  nature,  and 
‘social  intercourse/  from  which  come  the  sentiments 
toward  our  fellow  men.  Interests  may,  therefore,  be 
classed  as  belonging  to  (1)  ‘knowledge’  or  (2)  ‘partici¬ 
pation.’  These  two  sets  of  interests,  in  turn,  Herbart 
divides  into  three  groups  each.  He  classes  the  ‘knowl¬ 
edge’  interests  as  (a)  ‘empirical,’  appealing  directly  to 
the  senses;  (b)  ‘speculative/  seeking  to  perceive  the 
relations  of  cause  and  effect;  and  (c)  ‘aesthetic,’  resting 
upon  the  enjoyment  of  contemplation.  The  ‘  participa¬ 
tion’  interests  are  divided  into  (a)  ‘sympathetic,’  dealing 
with  relations  to  other  individuals ;  (b)  ‘social,’  including 
the  community  as  a  whole;  and  (c)  ‘religious,’  treating 
one’s  relations  to  the  Divine.  After  making  this  analysis 
of  the  six  types  of  interest  that  are  needed,  he  also  dilates 
upon  the  dangers  of  one-sidedness  in  each  case,  and  en¬ 
deavors  to  “bring  out  more  clearly  the  manifold  phases 
of  interest  that  must  be  taken  into  account.” 

For  Herbart,  then,  just  as  religious  morality  is  the  final 
aim  of  education,  the  more  immediate  purpose  of  instruc¬ 
tion  is  many-sided  interest.  “Instruction,”  he  declares, 
“will  form  the  circle  of  thought,  and  education  the  char¬ 
acter.  The  last  is  nothing  without  the  first.  Herein 
is  contained  the  whole  sum  of  my  pedagogy.”  Since 
character  is  thus  to  develop  through  the  medium  of  in¬ 
struction  and  the  growth  of  concrete  knowledge,  which 


There  is 
needed  a 
‘  many-sided 
interest.’ 


This  will  in¬ 
clude  inter¬ 
ests  of  (1) 
‘knowledge,’ 
which  are 
divided  into 
‘empirical,’ 
‘speculative,’ 
and  ‘aes¬ 
thetic,’  and 
of  (2)  ‘par¬ 
ticipation,’ 
which  are 
divided  into 
‘sympa¬ 
thetic,’ 
‘social,’  and 
‘religious.’ 


180  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Correspond¬ 
ing  to  the 
two  groups 
of  interests, 
studies  are 
divided  into 

(1)  ‘histori¬ 
cal,’  includ¬ 
ing  history, 
literature, 
and  lan¬ 
guages,  and 

(2)  ‘scien¬ 
tific,’  em¬ 
bracing  sci¬ 
ences,  mathe¬ 
matics,  and 
industrial 
training. 

But  while 
many-sided¬ 
ness  is  de¬ 
sirable,  all 
studies  must 
be  unified 
and  scatter¬ 
ing  avoided. 


Hence  the 
Herbartians 
later  formu¬ 
lated  ‘corre¬ 
lation’  and 
‘  concentra- 


should  be  as  broad  as  possible,  the  subject-matter  of  the 
curriculum  should  cover  the  entire  range  of  known  ideas. 
Hence,  to  correspond  to  the  two  main  groups  of  interests, 
Herbart  divides  all  studies  into  two  main  branches,  — 
the  (1)  ‘  historical/  including  history,  literature,  and  lan¬ 
guages;  and  the  (2)  ‘scientific,’  embracing  mathematics 
and  industrial  training,  as  well  as  the  natural  sciences. 
But,  while  all  these  subjects  are  needed  for  a  ‘many-sided 
interest  ’  and  the  various  studies  have  for  convenience 
been  separated  and  classified  by  themselves,  they  must 
be  so  arranged  in  the  curriculum  as  to  become  unified  and 
an  organic  whole,  if  the  unity  of  the  pupil’s  consciousness 
is  to  be  maintained.  Concerning  this  Herbart  holds :  — 

“^Scattering  no  less  than  one-sidedness  forms  an  antithesis  to 
many-sidedness.  Many-sidedness  is  to  be  the  basis  of  virtue ; 
but  the  latter  is  an  attribute  of  personality,  hence  it  is  evident 
that  the  unity  of  self-consciousness  must  not  be  impaired.  The 
business  of  instruction  is  to  form  the  person  on  many  sides,  and 
accordingly  to  avoid  a  distracting  or  dissipating  effect.  And  in¬ 
struction  has  successfully  avoided  this  in  the  case  of  one  who 
with  ease  surveys  his  well-arranged  knowledge  in  all  of  its  unify¬ 
ing  relations  and  beholds  it  together  as  his  very  own” 

‘  Correlation,’  *  Concentration,’  and  the  * Culture  Epochs  ’ 

This  position  of  Herbart  forecasts  the  emphasis  upon 
correlation,  or  the  unification  of  studies,  so  common 
among  his  followers.  The  principle  was  further  de¬ 
veloped  by  later  Herbartians  under  the  name  of  concen - 


HERBART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE  181 

tration ,  or  the  unifying  of  all  subjects  about  one  common 
central  study,  such  as  literature  or  history.  But  the 
selection  and  articulation  of  the  subject-matter  in  such  a 
way  as  to  arouse  many-sidedness  and  harmony  is  not 
more  than  hinted  at  by  Herbart  himself.  He  specifically 
holds,  however,  that  Homer’s  Odyssey  should  be  the 
first  work  read,  since  this  represents  the  interests  and 
activities  of  the  race  while  in  its  youth,  and  would  appeal 
to  the  individual  during  the  same  stage.  He  would 
follow  this  epic  with  the  Iliad ,  the  Philoctetes  of  Sopho¬ 
cles,  the  histories  of  Xenophon,  Plato’s  dialogues,  and 
other  classics,  in  the  order  of  the  growing  complexity 
of  racial  interests  depicted  in  them.1  This  tentative 
endeavor  of  Herbart,  in  the  selection  of  material  for  the 
course  of  study,  to  parallel  the  development  of  the  in¬ 
dividual  with  that  of  the  race,  was  also  continued  and 
enlarged  by  the  disciples  of  Herbart.  It  especially 
became  definite  and  fixed  in  the  culture  epoch  theory 
formulated  by  Ziller  and  others.2 

*  Absorption  and  Reflection ,  and  the  1  Formal  Steps 

of  Instruction y 

But  to  secure  this  broad  range  of  material  and  to  unify 
and  systematize  it,  Herbart  realized  that  it  was  necessary 

1  Herbart’s  attitude  on  the  development  of  interests  in  the  race  is  most 
fully  brought  out  in  his  General  Pedagogy ,  Introduction  and  Chapter  V, 
I  (see  Felkin’s  translation,  Science  of  Education,  pp.  91  and  164  ff.). 

2  See  p.  188. 


tion,’  and  the 
1  culture 
epoch 
theory.’ 


182  great  educators  of  three  centuries 


In  the  edu¬ 
cational 
process  Her- 
bart  dis¬ 
tinguished 
between 
‘  absorption,  ’ 
the  acquisi¬ 
tion  of  facts, 
and  ‘reflec¬ 
tion/  the 
assimilation 
of  knowledge 
thus  gained ; 


and  formu¬ 
lated  the  four 
steps  in  his 


to  formulate  a  method  of  instructing  the  child.  Due 
sequence  and  order  must  be  introduced  to  shape  the 
material  into  a  well-arranged  structure.  This  plan  of 
instruction  he  wished  to  conform  to  the  development  and 
working  of  the  human  mind,  and  in  this  connection  in¬ 
troduced  his  distinction  between  absorption  and  reflection } 
This  twofold  mental  process  is  necessary  in  grasping  all 
new  knowledge,  and  the  alternation  between  the  two 
steps  has  sometimes  been  described  as  the  ‘breathing’ 
of  the  mind.  ‘Absorption’  is  giving  oneself  up  to  ac¬ 
quisition  or  contemplation  of  facts  or  ideas,  and  ‘reflec¬ 
tion’  is  the  unification  or  assimilation  of  the  manifold 
knowledge  gained  by  absorption.  As  these  two  stages 
are  mutually  exclusive,  the  pupil  passes  in  psychical 
development  from  one  to  the  other.  On  the  basis  of 
this  description  of  mental  activity  and  growth,  Herbart 
worked  out  the  outlines  of  his  logical  method  in  instruc¬ 
tion,  which  he  states  as  follows :  — 

“We  prescribe  the  general  rule:  give  equal  prominence  to 
absorption  and  reflection  in  every  group  of  objects,  even  the 
smallest ;  that  is  to  say,  emphasize  equally  clearness  of  the  indi¬ 
vidual  perception,  association  of  the  manifold,  coordination  of  the 
associated,  and  progress  through  exercise  according  to  this  co¬ 
ordination.” 

Of  the  four  steps  indicated  in  this  method,  (i)  clear¬ 
ness ,  the  presentation  of  facts  or  elements  to  be  learned, 


1  See  Outlines ,  §  66,  and  General  Pedagogy,  Bk.  II,  Chap.  I,  §  i. 


HERB  ART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE  183 


is  purely  ‘  absorption  ’ ;  (2)  association,  the  uniting  of 
these  with  related  facts  previously  acquired,  is  mainly 
‘absorption/  but  contains  elements  of  ‘reflection’;  (3) 
system ,  the  coherent  and  logical  arrangement  of  what 
has  been  associated,  is  non-progressive  or  passive  ‘  reflec¬ 
tion  ’ ;  and  (4)  method ,  the  practical  application  of  the 
system  by  the  pupil  to  new  data,  is  progressive  or  active 
‘reflection.’  The  formulation  of  this  method  was  made 
only  in  principle  by  Herbart,  but  it  has  since  been  largely 
modified  and  developed  by  his  followers.  It  was  soon 
felt  that,  on  the  principle  of  ‘apperception,’  the  pupil 
must  first  be  made  conscious  of  his  existing  stock  of  ideas 
so  far  as  they  are  similar  to  the  material  to  be  presented, 
and  that  this  can  be  accomplished  by  a  review  of  preced¬ 
ing  lessons  or  by  an  outline  of  what  is  to  be  undertaken, 
or  by  both  procedures.  Hence  Herbart’s  noted  disciple, 
Ziller,  divided  the  step  of  ‘clearness’  into  preparation 
and  presentation ,  and  the  more  recent  Herbartian,  Rein, 
added  aim  as  a  substep  to  ‘preparation.’  The  names  of 
the  other  three  processes  have  been  changed  for  the  sake 
of  greater  lucidity  and  significance  by  the  later  Herbar- 
tians,  and  the  five  formal  {i.e.  ‘rational’)  steps  of  instruc¬ 
tion  1  are  now  generally  given  as  (1)  preparation ,  (2)  pres¬ 
entation,  (3)  comparison  and  abstraction,  (4)  generali¬ 
zation,  and  (5)  application .2  Herbart  also  made  numer- 


method  of 
instruction, 
— £  clear¬ 
ness,’  ‘asso¬ 
ciation,’ 
‘system,’ 
and 

‘method,’ 
which  have 
been  ex¬ 
panded  and 
modified  by 
the  Her- 
bartians. 


1  Die  formalen  Stufen  des  Unterrichts. 

2  Cf.  McMurry’s  Method  of  the  Recitation. 


1 84  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


In  discipline 
Herbart 
makes  re¬ 
pressive 
‘govern¬ 
ment’  a 
preliminary 
to  ‘training’ 
or  real  moral 
education. 


ous  other  suggestive  analyses  and  interpretations  of  the 
mechanics  of  instruction.1 

‘Government’  and  ‘Training’  in  Discipline 

As  a  corollary  of  his  improvements  in  method,  Her- 
bart’s  ideas  concerning  discipline  are  important  and  well 
worthy  of  consideration.  While  he  admits  the  need  of 
government/  which  is  repressive,  he  sharply  distin¬ 
guishes  this  from  ‘training/  or  real  moral  education,  for 
which  the  former  is  intended  to  prepare.  The  purpose 
of  government  is  to  hold  the  pupils  in  order  and  subser¬ 
vient  to  the  will  of  the  teacher  until  moral  habits  are 
formed.  It  should  keep  them  properly  occupied  and 
supervised,  and  should  issue  prohibitions  and  commands, 
rewards  and  punishments.  But  an  irreparable  moral 
injury  is  wrought  if  pupils  are  forever  governed  and  never 
trained.  “The  function  of  training/’  says  Herbart, 
“does  not  consist  in  always  restraining  and  meddling; 
still  less,  in  grafting  the  practices  of  others  to  take  the 
place  of  the  pupil’s  self-activity.”  Training  shapes  the 
will  for  self-control,  as  cannot  be  done  by  constant  re¬ 
pression  or  emotional  appeals.  Aid  and  sympathy  from 
the  teacher  are  correlated  with  confidence  and  dependence 
upon  the  part  of  the  pupil.  Training  is  thus  the  parent 
of  voluntary  cooperation,  and  should  be  the  ultimate 

1  Such,  for  example,  as  his  discussion  of  the  educational  process  under 
three  phases,  —  presentative ,  analytic,  and  synthetic. 


HERB  ART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE  185 


aim  of  schoolroom  discipline.  It  unites  with  ‘ educative 
instruction’  to  form  character. 


The  Value  and  Influence  of  Herbart’s  Principles 

On  all  sides,  then,  as  compared  with  Pestalozzi,  Her- 
bart  was  most  logical  and  comprehensive.  The  former 
was  primarily  a  philanthropist  and  reformer ;  the  latter 
a  psychologist  and  philosopher.  Pestalozzi  succeeded 
in  arousing  Europe  to  the  need  of  universal  education 
and  of  vitalizing  the  prevailing  formalism  in  the  schools, 
but  he  was  unable  with  his  vague  and  unsystematic 
utterances  to  give  guidance  and  efficiency  to  the  reform 
forces  he  had  initiated.  While  he  felt  the  need  of  ‘psy¬ 
chologizing  instruction  ’  and  of  beginning  with  sense  per¬ 
ception  for  the  sake  of  clear  ideas,  he  had  neither  the  time 
nor  the  training  to  construct  a  psychology  beyond  the 
traditional  one  of  the  times,  nor  to  analyze  the  way  the 
material  gained  by  observation  could  be  assimilated. 
Herbart,  on  the  other  hand,  did  create  a  system  of  psy¬ 
chology  that  had  an  immediate  bearing  upon  education. 
He  showed  how  the  product  of  observation  was  assim¬ 
ilated  through  ‘apperception/  and  maintained  the  pos¬ 
sibility  of  making  all  material  tend  toward  moral  develop¬ 
ment  through  ‘educative  instruction.’  This,  he  held, 
could  be  accomplished  by  use  of  the  proper  courses  and 
methods.  In  determining  the  subjects  to  be  selected  and 
articulated,  he  considered  Pestalozzi’s  emphasis  upon  the 


Herbart 
clarified  the 
‘  psycholo¬ 
gizing  in¬ 
struction  ’ 
and  the  be¬ 
ginning  with 
sense  percep¬ 
tion  of  Pesta¬ 
lozzi,  through 
an  original 
system  of 
psychology 
and  the  prin¬ 
ciple  of  ‘  ap¬ 
perception,’ 
and  made  all 
tend  toward 
moral  de¬ 
velopment. 


He  made 
Pestalozzi’s 
emphasis 
upon  the 
physical 
world  a 
stepping- 
stone,  and 


1 86  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


stressed  his¬ 
tory,  lan¬ 
guages,  and 
literature, 
rather  than 
arithmetic 
and  the 
natural  sci¬ 
ences. 


While  Her- 
bart’s  prin¬ 
ciples  have 
tended 
toward 
formaliza¬ 
tion,  they 
have  stimu- 
ated  most 
fruitful  work 
in  psychology 
and  educa¬ 
tion. 


study  of  the  physical  world  to  be  merely  a  stepping- 
stone  to  his  own  ‘  moral  revelation  of  the  world/  and, 
while  the  former  made  arithmetic,  geography,  and  natural 
sciences  his  chief  care,  he  preferred  to  stress  history,  lan¬ 
guages,  and  literature.  He  also  first  undertook  a  careful 
analysis  of  the  successive  steps  in  all  instruction. 

On  the  other  hand,  a  great  drawback  to  the  Herbar- 
tian  doctrines  is  found  in  their  fornlalization.  But  while 
Herbart’s  psychological  system  is  most  mechanical  and 
applies  better  to  the  process  of  instruction  than  to  the 
human  being  in  general,  it  has  started  all  the  fruitful 
research  in  psycho-physics,  and  has  worked  well  as  a 
basis  for  educational  theory  and  practice.  There  has 
been  considerable  danger,  too,  that  the  attempt  of  Her- 
bart  to  bring  about  due  sequence  and  arrangement  in 
instruction  would  become  perverted  through  his  disciples 
into  an  inflexible  schema ,  but  it  has,  upon  the  whole, 
done  much  to  introduce  system  and  order  into  the  work 
of  the  classroom.  As  we  shall  see,  where  Froebel  under¬ 
took  to  explain  Pestalozzi’s  rather  vague  conceptions  of 
following  the  nature  of  the  child  by  elaborating  it  on 
the  volitional  side,  Herbart  renders  it  more  explicit  by 
an  intellectual  interpretation.1  While  FroebeTs  empha- 


1  Similarly,  the  brainy  priest,  Antonio  Rosmini-Serbati  (1797-1855),  in 
The  Ruling  Principle  of  Method,  while  combining  Froebel’s  development 
with  the  ‘apperception’  of  Herbart,  strives  primarily  to  interpret  Pesta- 
lozzi  from  the  emotional  standpoint. 


HERBART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE  187 


sis  was  upon  the  child  and  self-activity,  Herbart  magni¬ 
fied  instruction  and  the  teacher.  Therein  rest  both  his 
strength  and  weakness  and  in  these  formulations  of  his 
is  indicated  how  differently  from  the  mystic  founder  of 
the  kindergarten  he  had  developed  the  naive  practice 
and  formulations  of  Pestalozzi. 

The  Extension  of  His  Doctrines  through  Disciples 

in  Germany 

The  theoretical  foundations  of  Herbart,  however,  were 
laid  mostly  in  outline.  He  himself  had  but  little  experi¬ 
ence  in  teaching  and  had  no  opportunity  to  work  out  his 
principles  in  the  schoolroom.  His  early  disciples,  how¬ 
ever,  were  able  to  fill  in  and  extend  his  work.  They 
reduced  his  theories  to  practice  and  applied  them  to  the 
content  and  methods  of  the  elementary  and  secondary 
systems  of  Germany.  From  practically  the  beginning 
there  were  two  contemporary  schools  of  Herbartianism. 
In  its  application  of  Herbart’s  theory,  the  school  of  Stoy 
for  the  most  part  held  closely  to  the  original  form ;  but 
that  headed  by  Ziller  gave  it  a  freer  interpretation,  and 
contributed  some  important  modifications  and  elabo¬ 
rations.  Karl  Volkmar  Stoy  had  been  a  student  under 
Herbart  after  that  philosopher’s  return  to  Gottingen. 
He  became  a  professor  at  Jena,  and  established  there  a 
pedagogical  seminary  and  practice  school  upon  the  Her- 
bartian  basis.  His  Encyclopaedia  of  Pedagogics  and 


His  work  was 
extended  by 
his  dis¬ 
ciples,  — 


Stoy,  who 
held  to  the 
original  lit¬ 
erally,  and 
Ziller,  who 
interpreted 
more  freely 
and  elabo¬ 
rated  ; 


1 88  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


numerous  other  educational  works  were  mainly  a  force¬ 
ful  restatement  of  Herbart’s  positions.  Tuiskon  Ziller, 
both  as  a  teacher  in  a  gymnasium  and  as  professor  at 
Leipzig,  did  much  to  popularize  and  develop  the  Her- 
bartian  system.  His  great  work,  The  Basis  of  the  Doc¬ 
trine  of  Educative  Instruction f  brought  Herbartianism 
into  prominence,  and  resulted  in  the  formation  of  the 
society  known  as  the  ‘Association  for  the  Scientific 
Study  of  Education,’1  2  which  has  since  spread  through¬ 
out  Germany.  Ziller  further  emphasized  Herbart’s 
division  of  the  curriculum  into  two  groups  of  studies, 
and  made  clear  the  subordination  of  the  ‘  scientific  ’ 
studies  to  the  ‘historical.’  He  also  elaborated  the  doc¬ 
trines  of  ‘correlation’  and  ‘concentration,’  and  was  the 
first  definitely  to  formulate  the  ‘culture  epoch’  theory. 
“  Every  pupil  should,”  said  he,  “pass  successively  through 
each  of  the  chief  epochs  of  the  general  mental  develop¬ 
ment  of  mankind  suitable  to  his  stage  of  development. 
The  material  of  instruction,  therefore,  should  be  drawn 
from  the  thought  material  of  that  stage  of  historical  de¬ 
velopment  in  culture,  which  runs  parallel  with  the  present 
mental  stage  of  the  pupil.”  3  These  principles  Ziller 
worked  out  practically  in  a  course  of  study  for  the  eight 


1  Grundlegung  zur  Lehre  vom  erziehenden  Unterricht. 

2  Verein  fur  Wissenschaftliche  Padagogik. 

3  See  Felkin’s  Introduction  to  Herb  art's  Science  and  Practice  of  Educa¬ 
tion ,  p.  122. 


HERB  ART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE  189 


years  of  the  elementary  school,  which  he  centered  around 
fairy  tales,  Rohinson  Crusoe,  and  selections  from  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments.  He,  moreover,  developed 
Herbart’s  ‘formal  stages  of  instruction’  by  dividing 
the  first  step  and  changing  the  name  of  the  last. 

Other  Germans  to  influence  Herbartianism  have  been 
Lange,  Rein,  and  Frick.  Karl  Lange’s  Apperception  is 
an  excellent  combination  of  scientific  insight  and  popular 
presentation.  It  treats  the  various  problems  of  educa¬ 
tion  on  the  basis  that  “all  learning  is  apperceiving.”  He 
agrees  in  general  with  the  Herbartian  method,  but  warns 
against  its  mechanics  and  formalism.  Wilhelm  Rein, 
a  pupil  of  both  Stoy  and  Ziller,  succeeded  the  former  at 
Jena,  but  is  closer  to  the  latter  in  his  interpretation  of 
Herbart.  His  Outlines  of  Pedagogy  1  shows  the  develop¬ 
ment  that  has  taken  place  since  the  time  of  Herbart. 
He  adopts  Ziller’s  ‘concentration’  and  ‘culture  epochs,’ 
but  makes  these  theories  more  rational  by  coordinating 
other  material  with  the  ‘  historical  ’  center  in  the  curricu¬ 
lum.  Otto  Frick,  director  of  the  ‘Francke  Institutions’ 
at  Halle,2  inclining  more  to  the  literal  interpretation  of 
Stoy,  devoted  himself  to  applying  Herbartianism  to  the 
secondary  schools.3  A  throng  of  other  German  school- 


Lange,  who 
reduced  all 
learning  to 
‘  appercep¬ 
tion  ’ ; 


Rein,  who 
showed  the 
later  devel¬ 
opment  of 
Herbartian¬ 
ism  ; 


Frick,  who 
applied  Her¬ 
bartianism 
to  the  second¬ 
ary  schools; 


1  Pddagogik  im  Grundriss. 

2  See  pp.  68  ff. 

3  An  organic  course  for  Gymnasien  is  outlined  in  the  eighth  number  of 
the  Quarterly  Magazine ,  which  he  edited. 


i  go  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


and  many 
others. 


In  the 
United 
States  the 
‘National 
Herbart 
Society’  has 
extended 
Herbart’s 
principles  by 
translating 
his  works 
and  publish¬ 
ing  a  Year 
Book. 


De  Garmo 
and  the 
McMurrys 
have  also  as 
individuals 
sought  to 
popularize 
his  prin¬ 
ciples, 


masters  and  professors  have  further  adapted  the  doc¬ 
trines  of  Herbart  to  the  school,  and  while  their  theories 
differ  very  largely  from  one  another,  from  their  common 
basis  they  are  all  properly  designated  ‘Herbartian.’ 

Herbartianism  in  the  United  States 

Next  to  the  land  of  its  birth,  the  United  States  has 
been  more  influenced  by  Herbartianism  than  any  other 
country.  The  movement  was  fostered  largely  by  Amer¬ 
ican  teachers  who  had  taken  the  doctor’s  degree  in  Ger¬ 
many,  and  during  the  last  decade  of  the  nineteenth  cen¬ 
tury  it  attained  almost  to  the  proportions  of  a  cult.  In 
1892  ‘The  National  Herbart  Society’  was  founded  to 
extend  the  scope  of  these  principles  and  to  adapt  them 
to  American  conditions.  The  association  started  imme¬ 
diately  to  translate  the  works  of  Herbart  and  various 
German  Herbartians,  and  since  1895  it  has  regularly 
published  a  Year  Book.  Besides  these  efforts,  individual 
members  of  the  organization  have  been  active  in  dis¬ 
cussing  Herbartian  principles  and  their  embodiment  in 
our  methods  of  instruction.  Charles  DeGarmo,  pro¬ 
fessor  of  Education  at  Cornell  University,  who  was  the 
first  president  of  the  Herbart  Society  and  the  editor  of 
its  publications,  has  given  wide  popularity  to  many  of 
the  principles  and  has  utilized  them  as  the  basis  of  his 
textbooks.  Frank  M.  McMurry  of  the  Columbia 
University  Teachers  College,  and  his  brother,  Charles 


HERB  ART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE  191 


A.  McMurry,  of  the  Illinois  State  Normal  University, 
both  by  books  and  articles,  have  done  yeoman  service 
for  Herbartianism. 

Moreover,  many  who  would  hardly  consider  themselves 
Herbartians  have  undertaken  to  modify  and  adapt  these 
principles,  especially  ‘correlation’  and  ‘concentration.’ 
Francis  W.  Parker  of  Chicago,  for  example,  sought  to 
center  the  course  of  study  around  a  hierarchy  of  natural 
and  social  sciences,  and  his  associate,  Wilbur  S.  Jackman, 
attempted  a  correlation  of  science  and  history.  The 
Committee  of  Fifteen,  appointed  by  the  National  Edu¬ 
cation  Association  to  report  upon  elementary  education, 
show  Herbartian  influence  in  their  discussions  of  ‘  corre¬ 
lation,’  although  they  give  the  term  a  wider  interpreta¬ 
tion.  Various  other  types  of  unification  about  a  core  of 
literature,  history,  or  nature  study,  or,  through  combi¬ 
nation  with  Froebelianism,  of  social  activities,  have  been 
suggested. 

While  in  this  way  all  elementary  and  to  some  extent 
secondary  schools  have  been  affected,  Herbartianism  in 
its  purity  has  been  largely  abandoned  for  less  dogmatic 
methods.  Even  the  Herbart  Society  has  ceased  to  exist 
as  a  propaganda  and  has  since  1901  been  known  as  ‘The 
National  Society  for  the  Scientific  Study  of  Education.’ 
Yet  probably  no  system  of  pedagogy  has  had  so  wide 
an  influence  upon  American  education  and  upon  the 
thought  and  practice  of  teachers  generally. 


while  many 
not  Herbar-  * 
tians  have 
used  ‘corre¬ 
lation’  and 
‘  concentra¬ 
tion’  in 
modified 
forms. 


Yet  Her¬ 
bartianism, 
while  most 
influential, 
has  become 
less  of  a 
propaganda. 


I92  great  educators  of  three  centuries 


SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  Sources 

Bartholomai,  F.  Johann  Friedrich  Herbarts  Padagogische  Schrif- 
ten.  (Revised  by  E.  von  Sallwiirk.) 

Eckofe,  W.  J.  Herbart’s  A  B  C  of  Sense  Perception  and  Minor 
Pedagogical  Works. 

Felkin,  H.  M.  and  E.  Herbart’s  Letters  and  Lectures  on  Education. 

*Felkin,  H.  M.  and  E.  Herbart’s  Science  of  Education. 

*Lange,  A.  F.,  and  De  Garmo,  C.  Herbart’s  Outlines  of  Peda¬ 
gogical  Doctrine. 

*Lange,  K.  Apperception.  (Translated  by  Herbart  Club.) 

Mulliner,  B.  C.  Herbart’s  Application  of  Psychology  to  the 
Science  of  Education. 

Smith,  M.  K.  Herbart’s  Text-book  in  Psychology. 

Van  Liew,  C.  C.  and  I.  J.  Rein’s  Outlines  of  Pedagogics. 

Wiget,  T.  Die  Formalen  Stufen  des  Unterrichts. 

II.  Authorities 

*  Ad  ams,  J.  The  Herbartian  Psychology  Applied  to  Education. 
Chap.  III. 

Cole,  P.  R.  Herbart  and  Froebel:  an  Attempt  at  Synthesis. 

Darroch,  A.  Herbart  and  the  Herbartian  Theory  of  Education. 
Lect.  V. 

De  Garmo,  C.  Essentials  of  Method. 

*De  Garmo,  C.  German  Contributions  to  the  Coordination  of 
Studies  (. Educational  Review ,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  422-437)  and  A 
Working  Basis  for  the  Correlation  of  Studies  {Educational 
Review,  Vol.  V,  pp.  451-466). 

*De  Garmo,  C.  Herbart  and  the  Herbartians. 

Felkin,  H.  M.  and  E.  An  Introduction  to  Herbart’s  Science  and 
Practice  of  Education. 


HERB  ART  AND  EDUCATION  AS  A  SCIENCE  193 


Gilbert,  C.  B.  Practicable  Correlations  of  Studies  {. Educational 
Review ,  Vol.  XI,  pp.  313-322). 

*Harris,  W.  T.  Herbart  and  Pestalozzi  Compared  (. Educational 
Review ,  Vol.  V,  pp.  417-423) ;  Herbart’ s  Doctrine  of  Interest 
(. Educational  Review ,  Vol.  X,  pp.  71-81). 

Harris,  W.  T.  The  Psychological  Foundations  of  Education. 
Chap.  XXXVI. 

*Herbart  Society.  Year  Book.  Nos.  I  and  II. 

Hughes,  J.  L.  The  Educational  Theories  of  Froebel  and  Herbart 
{. Educational  Review,  Vol.  X,  pp.  239-247). 

Jackman,  W.  S.  The  Correlation  of  Science  and  History  {. Educa¬ 
tional  Review ,  Vol.  IX,  pp.  464-471). 

*Lukens,  H.  T.  The  Correlation  of  Studies  (. Educational  Review , 
Vol.  X,  pp.  364-383). 

McMurry,  C.  A.  The  Elements  of  General  Method. 

McMurry,  F.  M.  Concentration  (. Educational  Review,  Vol.  IX, 
PP-  27-37)- 

MacVannel,  J.  A.  The  Educational  Theories  of  Herbart  and  Froebel. 

Parker,  F.  W.  Talks  on  Pedagogics.  An  Outline  of  the  Theory 
of  Concentration. 

Rein,  W.  Pestalozzi  and  Herbart  ( The  Forum,  Vol.  XXI,  pp.  346- 
360). 

Smith,  M.  K.  Herbart’ s  Life  {New  England  Journal  of  Education , 

Vol.  XXIX,  pp.  139  ff.). 

Tompkins,  A.  Herbart’ s  Philosophy  and  His  Educational  Theory 
{Educational  Review,  Vol.  XVI,  pp.  233-243). 

*Ueer,  C.  Introduction  to  the  Pedagogy  of  Herbart.  (Translated 
by  J.  C.  Zinser.) 

Vandewalker,  N.  C.  The  Culture  Epoch  Theory  {Educational 
Review,  Vol.  XV,  pp.  374-391). 

Van  Liew,  C.  C.  Life  of  Herbart  and  Development  of  his  Peda¬ 
gogical  Doctrine. 

Ward,  J.  Herbart  {Encyclopcedia  Britannica ). 
o 


CHAPTER  XI 


Froebel 
developed 
the  principles 
of  Pesta- 
lozzi  along 
different 
lines  from 
Herbart. 


Froebel  was 

permanently 

impressed 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN 

Another  great  educational  theorist  to  develop  the 
principles  of  Pestalozzi  was  Friedrich  Froebel,  the 
founder  of  the  kindergarten.  He  and  Herbart  may  be 
regarded  as  contemporary  disciples  and  interpreters  of 
the  Swiss  educator,  who  was  born  a  generation  before 
them,  but  they  continued  his  work  along  rather  different 
lines.  As  Herbart  concerned  himself  with  method  and 
the  work  of  the  teacher,  so  Froebel  laid  emphasis  upon 
the  child’s  development  and  activities.  The  latter  was 
perhaps  a  more  logical  successor  of  Pestalozzi,  whose 
immediate  pupil  and  colleague  he  had  been,  but  he,  too, 
worked  out  more  broadly  and  explicitly  the  implications 
of  the  master,  and  attempted  to  interpret  them  after 
the  philosophy  and  science  of  the  times.  Moreover,  he 
developed  his  system  for  a  period  of  life  totally  untouched 
by  Pestalozzi,  and  formulated  principles  and  methods 
that  have  come  to  underlie  every  stage  of  education  in 
modern  times. 

FroebeFs  Early  Life  and  His  Experience  at  Jena 

Friedrich  Wilhelm  August  Froebel  (1782-1852)  was  born 

in  Oberweissbach,  a  village  in  the  Thiiringian  forest. 

194 


# 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN  195 


His  father  was  a  Lutheran  clergyman,  and  the  religious 
influence  of  the  home  made  an  ineradicable  impression 
upon  Froebel.  The  elder  Froebel,  however,  was  engrossed 
in  the  multitudinous  cares  of  his  scattered  charge,  and  a 
little  half-brother  soon  came  to  engage  all  the  love  and 
attention  of  the  boy’s  stepmother.  Froebel’s  childhood 
was  consequently  neglected,  and  he  spent  much  time 
roving  about  the  mysterious  woods,  and  pondering  on 
the  birds,  wild  animals,  plants,  flowers,  and  the  various 
phenomena  of  nature.  Thus  there  grew  within  him  that 
vein  of  mysticism  and  search  for  hidden  unity  which 
afterward  entered  so  profoundly  into  his  educational 
theories.  This  desire  to  find  a  ‘  connectedness  ’  in  all 
things  was  increased  by  the  sporadic  nature  and  the  iso¬ 
lation  from  life  that  were  only  too  apparent  in  what  little 
formal  schooling  he  did  receive.  At  fifteen  he  was  for 
two  years  apprenticed  to  a  forester,  and,  although  his 
master  could  not  afford  him  proper  instruction,  the  youth 
was  enabled  to  continue  his  religious  communion  with 
nature.  He  enlarged  his  wood  lore  and  practical  ac¬ 
quaintance  with  plants,  and  gained  some  scientific  knowl¬ 
edge  of  botany  through  books  borrowed  from  a  physician 
in  the  neighborhood. 

At  length,  Froebel’s  hunger  for  a  knowledge  of  the 
natural  sciences  impelled  him  to  overcome  parental  oppo¬ 
sition  and  enter  the  university  at  Jena.  This  institution 
had  become  the  intellectual  center  of  Germany,  and  the 


by  his  re¬ 
ligious  train¬ 
ing  ;  and  his 
lonely  life 
in  the  forest 
started  his 
mysticism 
and  his 
search  for 
‘  unity  ’  and 
‘  connected¬ 
ness.’ 


Going  to  the 
University 
of  Jena,  he 
was  affected 


196  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


by  the  ideal¬ 
istic  philos¬ 
ophy,  ro¬ 
manticism, 
and  ad¬ 
vanced  atti¬ 
tude  in  sci¬ 
ence. 


Leaving  the 
university  in 
disgrace,  he 
groped  for  an 
occupation, 
until, 
through  a 
Dr.  Griiner, 


atmosphere  was  charged  with  the  idealistic  philosophy, 
the  romantic  movement,  and  the  evolutionary  attitude 
in  science.  Although  Froebel  was  at  Jena  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  pursuing  more  practical  subjects,  he  could  not 
well  have  escaped  the  discussions  upon  Fichtian  philos¬ 
ophy,  which  were  current  upon  the  street,  at  the  table, 
and  in  every  informal  place  of  meeting,  and  he  must  have 
witnessed  the  academic  growth  of  Fichte’s  pupil  and 
colleague,  Schelling.  He  must  likewise  have  fallen  under 
the  spell  of  the  Jena  romanticists,  —  the  Schlegels,  Tieck, 
and  Novalis,  and  possibly  even  of  their  friends  and  pro¬ 
tectors,  Goethe  and  Schiller.  The  advanced  attitude 
in  science  at  Jena  must  also  have  impressed  the  youth. 
While  much  of  the  science  instruction  failed  to  make  clear 
that  inner  relation  and  mystic  unity  for  which  he  sought, 
he  must  occasionally  have  caught  glimpses  of  it  in  the 
lectures  of  the  professors.  Unhappily,  after  a  couple  of 
years,  all  this  enchanted  world  was  closed  to  him  through 
financial  difficulties  not  altogether  his  own  fault,  and  he 
returned  home  in  scholastic  disgrace  and  disillusionment. 

His  Adoption  of  Teaching  and  Stay  with  Pestalozzi 

For  the  next  four  years,  Froebel  was  wandering  and 
groping  for  a  niche  in  life.  He  tried  one  occupation  after 
another  in  keeping  with  his  preparation  —  agriculture, 
land-surveying,  clerical  work  in  forestry,  and  manage¬ 
ment  of  country  estates — but  managed  now  and  then  to 


/ 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN 


197 


absorb  philosophy  and  romanticism  and  indulge  his  liter¬ 
ary  impulse.  Eventually,  in  1805,  while  beginning  the 
study  of  architecture  in  Frankfurt,  he  met  Dr.  Anton 
Griiner,  head  of  a  Pestalozzian  model  school,  who  per¬ 
suaded  him  of  his  fitness  for  teaching  and  gave  him  a 
position  in  the  institution.  Of  the  result  Froebel  de¬ 
clared  :  “From  the  first  I  found  something  I  had  always 
longed  for,  but  always  missed ;  as  if  my  life  had  at  last 
discovered  its  native  element.  I  felt  as  happy  as  a  fish 
in  water.” 

But  it  was  soon  evident  to  the  new  teacher  that  he 
had  a  sufficient  knowledge  of  neither  subject-matter  nor 
the  laws  of  mental  development  to  achieve  much  success 
in  his  chosen  profession.  Five  days  after  his  appoint¬ 
ment  he  paid  a  brief  visit  to  Pestalozzi  at  Yverdun,  and 
upon  his  return  undertook  a  systematic  study  of  Pesta- 
lozzianism  under  the  guidance  of  Griiner.  He  also  began 
in  this  period  to  develop  his  own  principles  and  methods, 
and,  through  the  use  of  modeling  in  paper,  pasteboard, 
and  wood  with  some  private  pupils,  came  to  see  the  value 
of  the  creative  instinct  as  a  means  of  education.  After 
three  years  in  Frankfurt  he  withdrew  for  further  study 
and  practice  at  Yverdun.  The  two  years  he  spent  there 
proved  most  profitable.  He  gained  much  from  the  train¬ 
ing  in  physiography  and  nature  study  that  he  gave  the 
pupils  during  long  walks  in  the  country;  he  found  an 
opportunity  to  study  the  play  of  children  in  its  effect 


he  stumbled 
upon  his 
life  work  of 
teaching. 


After  three 
years  of 
teaching  in 
Frankfurt, 
he  studied 
with  Pesta¬ 
lozzi  at 
Yverdun 
and  learned 
much  about 
physiog¬ 
raphy, 
music,  and 
the  play  of 
children. 


198  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


He  then  re¬ 
newed  his 
university- 
studies,  espe¬ 
cially  min¬ 
eralogy, 
under  Weiss 
at  Berlin, 
and  crys¬ 
tallized  his 
mystic  law 
of  unity. 


upon  intellectual  as  well  as  physical  development;  he 
first  came  to  attach  importance  to  that  earliest  training 
of  a  child  by  its  mother;  and  his  knowledge  of  music, 
which  was  to  play  so  important  a  part  in  his  methods,  was 
greatly  enlarged.  Moreover,  he  came  to  feel  that  the 
lack  of  organization  and  the  deficiency  in  unity  and  con¬ 
nection  of  studies  that  were  always  evident  in  Pesta- 
lozzi’s  work  were  an  evidence  of  vagueness  in  aim  and 
method,  and  he  determined  to  eliminate  these  faults  by 
making  more  definite  the  underlying  principles  of  his 
master. 

Crystallization  of  His  Law  of  ‘  Unity ’  at  Berlin 

As  a  further  result  of  his  stay  in  Yverdun,  Froebel 
began  to  see  more  than  ever  the  need  of  a  broader  training, 
if  he  were  going  to  unify  education,  and  as  soon  as  pos¬ 
sible  he  gave  up  his  work  in  Frankfurt,  and  renewed  his 
university  studies.  He  went  first  to  Gottingen  in  1811, 
but  was  the  next  year  attracted  to  Berlin  by  the  repu¬ 
tation  of  Professor  Weiss  in  mineralogy.  While  with 
Weiss,  he  became  fully  “convinced  of  the  demonstrable 
connection  in  all  cosmic  development,”  and  thus  crys¬ 
tallized  that  mystic  law  of  unity  with  which  he  had  long 
been  struggling.  Of  this  he  declared  :  — 

“What  I  had  recognized  in  things  great  or  noble,  in  the  life  of 
man  and  in  the  ways  of  God,  as  serving  towards  the  development 
of  the  human  race,  I  found  I  could  here  recognize  also  in  the  smallest 
of  these  fixed  forms  which  Nature  alone  had  shaped.  .  .  .  And 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN 


199 


thereafter  my  rocks  and  crystals  served  me  as  a  mirror  wherein  I 
might  discern  mankind,  and  man’s  development  and  history.” 

For  about  a  year  the  work  of  Froebel  was  interrupted 
by  service  in  the  army  to  repel  the  Napoleonic  aggressions. 
Here  he  met  his  enthusiastic  young  friends  and  lifelong  as¬ 
sistants,  Heinrich  Lange thal  and  Wilhelm  Middendorf ,  who 
had  been  students  of  theology  at  Berlin.  Then,  in  1814,  he 
returned  to  the  university,  and,  as  an  assistant  to  Profes¬ 
sor  Weiss,  for  a  time  became  completely  immersed  in  crys¬ 
tallography  as  a  key  to  the  organization  of  the  universe. 

His  School  at  Keilhau  and  the  Education  of  Man 

But  Froebel  had  never  lost  sight  of  his  original  pur¬ 
pose  of  educational  reform.  While  at  the  university 
he  continued  his  study  of  child  nature  by  teaching 
in  the  Pestalozzian  school  of  Plamann,1  and  his  in¬ 
sight  into  natural  science  only  intensified  his  belief  in 
the  possibility  of  “a  more  human,  related,  affiliated, 
connected  treatment  and  consideration  of  the  subjects  of 
education.”  He  declined  a  professorship  at  Stockholm, 
and,  in  1816,  against  the  advice  of  his  friendly  chief,  he 
even  resigned  from  Berlin,  to  take  charge  of  the  education 
of  five  young  nephews  and  thus  work  out  his  pedagogical 
theories.  In  this  venture  he  was  soon  joined  by  Midden¬ 
dorf  and  Langethal,  and  with  them  he  founded  ‘The 
Universal  German  Institute  of  Education’  at  the  Thiirin- 


In  1816, 
with  Lange¬ 
thal  and 
Middendorf, 
he  started  his 
‘Universal 
German  In¬ 
stitute’  at 
Keilhau. 


1  See  footnote  on  p.  156. 


200  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Here  he 
trained  his 
pupils  to  self- 
expression 
through 
play,  con¬ 
struction, 
nature 
study,  and 
romances 
and 

ballads; 


and,  to 
popularize 
his  prin¬ 
ciples, 


gian  village  of  Keilhau.1  The  education  here  aimed  to  de¬ 
velop  the  pupils  harmoniously  in  all  their  powers  through 
the  exercise  of  their  own  activity  in  subjects  whose  rela¬ 
tions  with  one  another  and  with  life  had  been  carefully 
thought  out.  Self-expression  and  free  development  were 
the  watchwords  of  the  school.  Much  of  the  training  was 
obtained  through  play,  and,  except  that  the  pupils  were 
older,  the  germ  of  the  kindergarten  was  already  present. 
There  was  much  practical  work  in  the  open  air,  in  the  gar¬ 
den  about  the  schoolhouse,  and  in  the  building  itself. 
The  lads  built  dams  and  mills,  fortresses  and  castles,  and 
searched  the  woods  for  animals,  birds,  insects,  and  flowers. 
They  learned  to  work  out  practical  problems  in  form  and 
number,  and  had  the  world  of  imagination  opened  to 
them  through  romances,  ballads,  and  war  songs. 

To  popularize  the  Institute,  Froebel  published  in  1826 
a  complete  account  of  the  theory  practiced  at  Keilhau 
in  his  famous  Education  of  Man.2  While  this  work  is 

1  Die  allgemeine  deutsche  Erziehungsanstalt.  It  was  first  located  at 
Griesheim,  where  Froebel’s  deceased  brother,  the  father  of  three  of  the 
pupils,  had  been  pastor,  but  the  following  year  the  widow  bought  a  small 
property  at  Keilhau  and  the  ‘Institute’  was  moved  there  with  her  house¬ 
hold. 

2  The  title  in  full  is :  Die  M enschenerziehung ,  die  Erziehungs-,  Untcr- 
richts-,  und  Lehrkunst,  angestrebt  der  allgemeinen  deutschen  Erziehungsan¬ 
stalt  zu  Keilhau ,  dargestellt  von  dem  Vorsteher  derselben,  F.  W.  A.  Froebel. 
1  Band  bis  zum  begonnenen  Knabenalter.  Froebel  intended  to  carry  the 
‘education  of  man’  also  through  youth,  but  he  never  found  time  to  go  be¬ 
yond  this  period  of  early  boyhood. 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN  201 

compressed,  repetitious,  and  vague,  and  its  doctrines  had 
afterward  to  be  corrected  by  experience,  it  contains  the 
most  systematic  statement  of  his  educational  philosophy 
that  Froebel  ever  made.  It  consists  in  an  application  to 
education  of  the  idealistic  philosophy  and  the  evolution¬ 
ary  theory  of  the  time.  It  describes  FroebeFs  interpre¬ 
tation  of  the  universe  and  the  consequent  meaning  of 
human  life,  makes  an  exposition  of  his  chief  principles 
of  education,  and  applies  them  to  the  various  stages  of 
life  and  to  the  chief  school  subjects. 

But  the  times  were  not  ripe  for  such  radical  positions, 
and  the  Education  of  Man  influenced  but  few  people  in 
their  estimate  of  the  Keilhau  community  or  the  doc¬ 
trines  of  Froebel.  The  Institute  was  even  suspected 
of  revolutionary  tendencies,  and  the  government  inspec¬ 
tor  of  schools  was  ordered  to  investigate.  This  official,1 
however,  made  a  most  favorable  report,  saying  in 
part :  — 

“I  found  here  a  closely  united  family  of  some  sixty  members 
held  together  in  mutual  confidence  and  every  member  seeking  the 
good  of  the  whole.  .  .  .  That  this  union  must  have  the  most 
salutary  influence  on  instruction  and  training  and  on  the  pupils 
themselves,  is  self-evident.  ...  No  slumbering  power  remains 
unawakened ;  each  finds  the  stimulus  it  needs  in  so  large  a  family. 

.  .  .  The  aim  of  the  institution  is  by  no  means  knowledge  and 
science  merely,  but  free  self-active  development  of  the  mind  from 
within.” 


in  1826  pub¬ 
lished  his 
Education  of 
Man. 


1  This  discriminating  inspector  was  a  Dr.  Zeh. 


202  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


His  Work  in  Switzerland 


Unjust  sus¬ 
picions  and 
Froebel’sown 
failings 
eventually 
produced 
financial 
disasters, 
and  Froebel 
transferred 
his  work  to 
Switzerland. 


Nevertheless,  gossip  and  detraction  did  not  cease,  and 
a  disloyal  assistant  added  fuel  to  the  flames.  Froebel, 
moreover,  was  dogmatic  and  irascible,  and  possessed  little 
practical  sense.  While  a  financial  crisis  was  for  a  time 
averted,  the  school  soon  found  itself  in  serious  straits. 
Froebel,  meanwhile,  strove  to  secure  some  place  where 
he  might  not  only  rehabilitate  himself,  but  even  extend 


his  work  and  give  it  a  firmer  basis.1  Finally,  a  friend 2 


offered  his  castle  at  Wartensee  in  the  canton  of  Lucerne 


as  the  seat  for  the  new  educational  institute,  and  in  1832 
the  reformer  began  his  work  in  Switzerland.3  The  castle 
was  soon  found  unsuitable,  and  Froebel  accepted  an  invi¬ 
tation  to  locate  in  the  neighboring  town  of  Willisau. 
Here  he  met  with  bitter  opposition  from  the  conservative 
clergy  of  the  vicinity,  but,  at  a  public  examination  held  in 
1833,  hls  work  was  shown  to  be  a  striking  success  and  his 


1  It  was  during  this  period  of  uncertainty  that  Froebel  wrote  the  out¬ 
line  of  what  he  had  been  attempting  in  his  Letter  to  the  Duke  of  Meiningen 
(1827)  and  his  Letter  to  Krause  (1828),  the  Gottingen  philosopher,  and 
from  these  autobiographical  works  most  of  our  ideas  concerning  his  early 
life  have  been  derived.  He  expected  at  one  time  to  be  granted  the  estate 
of  the  duke  at  Helba  for  his  enlarged  school,  but  the  offer  was  to  a  large 
extent  withdrawn,  and  Froebel  in  anger  broke  off  negotiations. 

2  Schnyder  of  Frankfurt,  a  pupil  of  Pestalozzi  and  a  composer  of  music. 

3  The  school  at  Keilhau  was  meanwhile  left  in  charge  of  Barop,  a  rela¬ 
tive  of  Middendorf,  and  under  his  prudent  administration  soon  recovered 
all  its  prosperity. 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN 


reputation  as  an  educationalist  became  firmly  established. 
In  1835  the  progressive  government  of  Berne  induced 
him  to  come  to  the  castle  of  Burgdorf,  where  Pestalozzi 
had  been,  and  start  training  courses  for  teachers  of  the 
canton. 


The  1  Kindergarten  ’  at  Blankenburg  and  the  Mother 

and  Play  Songs 

It  was  while  conducting  a  model  school  at  Burgdorf 
that  it  became  more  obvious  to  Froebel  that  “all  school 
education  was  yet  without  a  proper  initial  foundation, 
and  that,  until  the  education  of  the  nursery  was  re¬ 
formed,  nothing  solid  and  worthy  could  be  attained.” 
Through  his  friend,  the  idealistic  philosopher,  Krause, 
the  School  of  Infancy  of  Comenius 1  had  been  called  to  his 
attention  and  “the  necessity  of  training  gifted  and  ca¬ 
pable  mothers”  had  been  growing  upon  him.  The  edu¬ 
cational  importance  of  play  now  appealed  to  him  more 
strongly  than  ever.  He  began  to  study  and  devise  play¬ 
things,  games,  songs,  and  bodily  movements  that  would 
be  of  value  in  the  development  of  small  children,  although 
at  first  he  did  not  organize  his  materials  into  a  system. 
Two  years  later,  however,  when  his  wife’s  failing  health 
compelled  him  to  return  to  Germany,  he  established  a 
regular  school  for  children  between  the  ages  of  three  and 


While  at 
Burgdorf, 
he  began  to 
devise  play¬ 
things, 
games, 
songs,  and 
movements 
as  a  means 
of  training ; 
and  in  1837 
he  started 
his  ‘Kinder¬ 
garten  ’  at 
Blanken¬ 
burg,  and 
six  years 
later  pub¬ 
lished  his 
Mother  and 
Play  Songs. 


1  For  Comenius  and  The  School  of  Infancy ,  see  pp.  33  f. 


204  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


seven,  which  should  furnish  “such  a  course  of  training 
as  would  answer  to  the  laws  of  development  and  the  laws 
of  life.’3  The  institution  was  located  at  Blankenburg, 
two  miles  from  Keilhau,  in  one  of  the  most  romantic 
spots  in  the  Thiiringian  Forest,  and  was  before  long 
appropriately  christened  Kindergarten.1  Here  he  put 
into  use  the  material  he  had  invented  in  Switzerland, 
added  new  devices,  and  developed  his  system.  The  main 
features  of  this  were  the  ‘  play  songs  ’  for  mother  and  child ; 
the  series  of  six  ‘ gifts,’  consisting  of  the  sphere,  cube,  and 
other  geometrical  forms;  and  the  ‘occupations,’  which 
applied  to  different  constructions  the  principles  the  child 
had  learned  through  the  ‘gifts.’  To  this,  during  his 
seven  years  in  Blankenburg,  he  constantly  added  new 
material,  of  which  accounts  periodically  appeared  in  his 
journals.2  By  1843  he  had  thus  expanded  his  collection 
of  songs  into  that  attractive  and  popular  book  known 
as  Mother  and  Play  Songs. 3  This  work  was  intended  to 
illustrate  concretely  the  principles  and  methods  sug¬ 
gested  in  the  Education  of  Man. 


1  That  is  to  say,  a  ‘  garden  ’  in  which  ‘  children  ’  are  the  unfolding  plants. 
Froebel  at  first  called  the  institution  by  the  cumbersome  and  uneuphonious 
name  of  Kleinkinderbeschaftigungsanstalt  or  Anstalt  fur  Kleinkinderpflege, 
and  the  term  Kindergarten  came  to  him  like  an  inspiration  one  day  while 
walking  in  the  forest. 

2  These  articles  in  his  Sonntagsblatt  and  W ochenblatt  were  later  col¬ 
lected  and  published  under  the  title  of  Pddagogik  des  Kindergartens. 

3  Mutter-  und  Kose-Lieder,  which  grew  out  of  an  original  Koseliedchen. 

f  ^  J ; 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN  205 


The  Closing  Days  of  Froebel 

Although  the  kindergarten  attracted  considerable 
attention,  and  many  teachers  came  to  Blankenburg  to 
study  the  system,  FroebeTs  want  of  practical  judgment 
eventually  involved  him  in  a  heavy  debt  while  endeavor¬ 
ing  to  spread  his  gospel.1  In  consequence,  the  institu¬ 
tion  was  obliged,  in  1844,  to  close  its  doors.  The  next  five 
years  Froebel  spent  largely  in  traveling  about  Germany 
and  lecturing  upon  his  system,  with  much  success,  espe¬ 
cially  before  groups  of  mothers  and  women  teachers. 
But  in  1849  he  settled  down  near  the  famous  mineral 
springs  at  Liebenstein  in  Saxe-Meiningen,  and  shortly 
afterward  married  his  favorite  kindergartner.2  During 
this  period  Froebel  obtained  the  friendship  and  support 
of  the  Baroness  Berthe  von  Marenholtz-Biilow,  who 
had  come  to  the  watering  place  for  recuperation.  This 
intelligent  and  accomplished  lady  became  his  ardent  dis¬ 
ciple.  She  brought  a  large  number  of  people  of  distinction 
in  the  political  and  educational  world  to  see  his  work  in 

1  He  undertook  to  organize  a  stock  company,  which  should  establish  at 
Blankenburg  a  model  kindergarten,  a  training  school,  a  factory  for  kinder¬ 
garten  materials,  and  a  kindergarten  publishing  house.  The  shares  were 
to  be  taken  by  German  women,  who  have  little  control  of  the  purse  strings, 
and  the  visionary  scheme  was  doomed  to  failure  from  the  start. 

2  His  first  wife  had  died  in  1839.  Luise  Levin,  his  second  wife,  was  an 
unlettered  country  girl,  who,  from  a  secret  devotion  to  Froebel,  entered 
menial  service  at  Keilhau  in  1845,  to  be  near  him,  and  although  well  along 
in  her  thirties,  succeeded  in  securing  a  kindergarten  training. 


His  want  of 
financial 
judgment 
forced  him  to 
close  the 
school,  but, 
after  five 
years  of 
lecturing,  he 
settled  again 
at  Lieben¬ 
stein. 


Through 
Baroness  von 
Biilow,  he 
here  made 
many  influ¬ 
ential  friends, 
but  in  1852 
Prussia  issued 


206  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


a  decree 
against 
kinder¬ 
gartens,  and 
Froebel  died 
under  the 
strain. 


operation,  and  secured  a  magnificent  seat  for  his  institu¬ 
tion  upon  the  neighboring  estate  of  Marienthal.  She  has 
also  given  us  a  most  interesting  and  accurate  account  of 
FroebePs  activities  during  the  last  thirteen  years  of  his 
life,  and  after  his  death  she  spread  his  principles  through¬ 
out  most  of  Europe.  Owing  to  her,  FroebePs  closing 
days  bade  fair  to  be  most  happy  and  successful,  but  in 
1852,  through  a  confusion  of  his  principles  with  the  social¬ 
istic  doctrines  of  his  nephew,  a  decree  was  promulgated 
in  Prussia  by  the  minister  of  education,1  closing  all 
kindergartens  there.  While  his  work  could  still  be  carried 
on  in  the  other  states  of  Germany,  Froebel  never  recov¬ 
ered  from  this  unjust  humiliation.  His  health  broke 
under  the  strain,  and  he  died  within  the  year. 


Development  of  FroebePs  Principles 


Froebel’s 
principles 
grew  out  of 
his  boyhood 
experiences, 
and  out  of 
the  idealism, 
romanticism, 
and  scientific 
thought  of 
his  times. 


Such,  in  brief,  is  the  historical  development  of  FroebePs 
theories,  as  they  were  expanded  and  corrected  by  appli¬ 
cation  to  practical  teaching,  and  came  to  their  culmina¬ 
tion  in  the  kindergarten.  His  underlying  principles  are 
clearly  the  outgrowth  of  the  religious  influences  of  his 
boyhood  and  his  early  communion  with  nature,  combined 
with  the  idealistic  philosophy,  the  romantic  movement, 
and  the  scientific  spirit  of  the  day.  This  may  be  seen  by 
glancing  at  these  spiritual  tendencies  in  his  times.  The 
chief  feature  of  German  idealism  is  an  interpretation  of 


1  Strangely  enough,  this  bigot  was  the  great  educationalist,  von  Raumer. 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN  207 


the  universe  that  holds  to  the  unity  of  nature  with  the 
soul  of  man.  The  ‘Absolute/  or  God,  is  regarded  as  the 
self-conscious  spirit  from  which  originated  both  man  and 
nature.1  Hence  has  arisen  in  the  universe  a  manifold¬ 
ness  within  unity.  Likewise  romanticism,  which  charac¬ 
terized  the  literature,  art,  and  religion  of  the  period,  is 
mystic  in  expression  and  symbolic  in  thought.  It  is 
synthetic  rather  than  analytic  in  its  view-point,  and  ap¬ 
peals  to  faith  as  upon  a  par  with  reason.  Finally,  in  the 
scientific  thought  of  the  times  there  is  apparent  a  feeling 
of  unity  and  inner  relation.2  These  influences  touched 
the  life  of  Froebelat  every  point,  and  made  a  profound 
impression  upon  one  of  his  temperament  and  experience. 
Besides  his  associations  at  Jena,  he  listened  to  Fichte 
again  at  Berlin,  and  here  found  enthusiastic  students 
of  that  philosopher  in  his  co-workers,  Langethal  and 
Middendorf.  These  friends,  in  turn,  encouraged  him  to 
wed  that  brilliant  idealist  and  romanticist,3  who,  as  his 
wife,  greatly  influenced  his  earlier  career.  Similarly,  the 
scientific  views  of  Jena  2  were  developed  in  his  experi¬ 
ences  while  the  pupil  of  Weiss.  It  is,  therefore,  but  natu- 

1  See  footnote  on  p.  208. 

2  See  p.  196.  One  of  the  science  lecturers  at  Jena  seems  to  have  had 
ideas  about  the  “interrelations  of  all  animals”  and  to  have  foreshadowed 
Darwinism  in  his  conception  of  man  as  “but  a  more  developed  type 
which  all  the  lower  forms  are  striving  to  realize.” 

3  Henriette  Wilhelmine  Klepper  (nee  Hoffmeister),  the  daughter  of  a 
Prussian  Councilor  of  War. 


2o8  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


He  holds  to 
organic 
‘unity’  in 
the  universe, 


ral  that  we  should  find  Froebel  adopting  an  organic  and 
unitary  view  of  life,  symbolism  and  mysticism  in  expres¬ 
sion,  and  the  conception  of  ordered  evolution,  and  that, 
while  his  writings  are  scientific  in  form,  they  should 
appear  vague,  emotional,  and  difficult  to  comprehend.1 
His  fundamental  view  of  organic  unity  appears  in  his 
general  conception  of  the  universe,  and  the  Education  of 
Man  opens  with  the  statement :  — 


“In  all  things  there  lives  and  reigns  an  eternal  law.  .  .  .  This 
law  has  been  and  is  enounced  with  equal  clearness  and  distinctness 
in  nature  (the  external),  in  the  spirit  (the  internal),  and  in  life, 
which  unites  the  two.  This  all-controlling  law  is  necessarily  based 
on  an  all-pervading,  energetic,  living,  self-conscious,  and  hence 
eternal  Unity.  .  .  .  This  Unity  is  God.  All  things  have  come 
from  the  Divine  Unity,  from  God,  and  have  their  origin  in  the 
Divine  Unity,  in  God  alone.  All  things  live  and  have  their  being 
in  and  through  the  Divine  Unity,  in  and  through  God.  The 
divine  effluence  that  lives  in  each  thing  is  the  essence  of  each  thing.” 


‘  Unity,*  1  Continuity,*  and  *  Development  *  as  Educational 

Ideals 

From  this  Froebel  derives  his  educational  aim.  Edu¬ 
cation  with  him  “consists  in  a  recognition  of  the  eternal 
law,  —  its  origin,  essence,  totality,  connection,  and  in- 

1  Froebel  is  unconsciously  following  Schelling,  when  he  talks  of  nature, 
symbolism,  or  aesthetics;  and  Fichte,  when  he  deals  with  will,  duty, 
personality,  and  morality.  Most  striking  is  his  resemblance  to  Schelling, 
especially  as  he  seems  to  have  borrowed  much  even  of  his  phraseology 
from  the  pupil  of  Schelling,  his  friend  Krause. 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN  209 

tensity,  and  the  representation  and  practice  of  it  in  the 
life  of  man.”  And  in  keeping  with  the  definition,  he  holds 
in  detail :  — 

“The  purpose  of  education  is  to  raise  man  into  free,  conscious 
obedience  to  the  divine  principle  that  lives  in  him,  and  to  a  free 
representation  of  this  principle  in  his  life.  It  should  lead  man  to 
see  that  this  principle  also  constitutes  the  essence  of  nature  and 
is  permanently  manifested  in  nature.  It  should  demonstrate 
that  the  same  law  rules  both  nature  and  man,  and  that  man  and 
nature  proceed  from  God  and  are  conditioned  by  him.  It  should 
lead  and  guide  him  to  clearness  concerning  himself,  to  peace  with 
nature,  and  to  unity  with  God.  The  inner  essence  of  things  is 
recognized  by  the  innermost  spirit  of  man  through  outer  manifesta¬ 
tions,  and  all  education,  all  instruction  and  training,  start  from  the 
outer  manifestations  of  man  and  things,  and,  proceeding  from  the 
outer,  act  upon  the  inner,  and  form  its  judgments  concerning  the 
inner.” 

As  a  corollary  to  this  principle  of  ‘ unity,’  Froebel  holds 
to  ‘  continuity  ’  and  ‘  development  ’  in  all  creation,  and  so 
in  the  human  race.  “God,”  he  declares,  “creates  and 
works  productively  in  uninterrupted  continuity.”  And 
again,  he  says  :  “  God  never  grafts  in  the  world  of  nature, 
nor  is  the  soul  of  man  to  be  grafted.  God  develops  the 
most  minute  and  imperfect  elements,  through  ever-rising 
stages,  according  to  a  law  eternally  founded  in  itself,  and 
ever  unfolding  out  of  its  own  nature.”  This  progressive 
development  from  the  lower  to  the  higher  grades  of 
being,  Froebel  finds  equally  in  the  advancement  of  the 

p 


which  gives 
rise  to  his 
aim  in  educa¬ 
tion; 


and  to 
‘  continuity  ’ 
and  ‘  develop¬ 
ment  ’  in  all 
creation. 


2io  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


in  the  history 
of  the  indi¬ 
vidual, 


race  and  in  the  history  of  the  individual.  For  this 
reason,  while  he  does  not  formulate  any  set  ‘culture 
epoch  ’  theory,  like  that  of  the  Herbartians,  he  holds  that 
“each  successive  generation  and  each  successive  human 
being,  inasmuch  as  he  would  understand  the  past  and 
present,  must  pass  through  all  preceding  phases  of  hu¬ 
man  development  and  culture,”  and  he  vigorously  op¬ 
poses  “sharp  limits  and  definite  subdivisions  within  the 
continuous  series  of  the  years  of  development,  which 
withdraw  from  attention  the  permanent  continuity.” 
More  explicitly  he  maintains  :  — 

“It  is  highly  pernicious  to  consider  the  stages  of  human  develop¬ 
ment  —  infant,  child,  boy  or  girl,  man  or  woman  —  as  really 
distinct,1  and  not,  as  life  shows  them,  as  continuous  in  themselves 
in  unbroken  transitions.  .  .  .  The  child  should  be  viewed  and 
treated  with  reference  to  all  stages  of  development  and  age,  with¬ 
out  breaks  and  omissions ;  the  vigorous  and  complete  development 
of  each  successive  stage  depends  on  the  vigorous,  complete,  and 
characteristic  development  of  each  and  all  preceding  stages  of  life. 
The  boy  has  not  become  a  boy,  nor  has  the  youth  become  a  youth, 
by  reaching  a  certain  age,  but  only  by  having  lived  through  child¬ 
hood,  and,  further  on,  through  boyhood,  true  to  the  requirements 
of  his  mind,  his  feelings,  and  his  body.  The  child ,  the  boy ,  the  man, 
indeed  should  know  no  other  endeavor  but  to  be  at  every  stage  of  de¬ 
velopment  wholly  what  this  stage  calls  for.” 

Similarly,  this  Froebelian  law  of  ‘unity’  appears  in 
every  aspect  of  educational  theory  under  a  variety  of 

1  Contrast  Rousseau’s  four  set  divisions  of  Emile’s  life.  See  pp.  86  ff. 
and  102. 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN 


21 1 


guises.  It  is  almost  too  comprehensive  in  its  various 
applications,  meanings,  and  implications  to  be  fitly  named 
by  any  one  word  or  phrase.  Besides  elaborating  the  unity 
in  the  universe,  nature,  humanity,  individual  man,  and 
age  periods,  Froebel  insists  upon  a  unity  in  the  intellec¬ 
tual,  physical,  and  moral  life  of  the  individual  at  all 
stages,  and  in  the  relations  of  his  mental  phases  of  know¬ 
ing,  feeling,  and  willing. 

‘  Connectedness  ’  of  All  Education 

He  likewise  holds  to  a  unity  in  subject-matter  and  a 
‘connectedness’  in  the  course  of  study,  although  he  does 
not,  with  the  Herbartians,  crystallize  any  definite  plan  of 
‘correlation’  or  ‘concentration.’  For  instance,  he  de¬ 
clares  :  — 

“Human  education  requires  the  knowledge  and  appreciation  of 
religion,  nature,  and  language  in  their  intimate  living  reciprocity 
and  mutual  interaction.  Without  the  knowledge  and  appreciation 
of  the  intimate  unity  of  the  three,  the  school  and  we  ourselves  are 
lost  in  the  fallacies  of  bottomless,  self-provoking  diversity.” 

This  integral  unity  should  exist,  Froebel  holds,  because 
of  a  feeling  of  dependence  upon  a  higher  being.  Nature 
study  gives  acquaintance  with  the  handiwork  and  mani¬ 
festation  of  God,  mathematics  makes  clear  the  reign  of 
law  in  the  universe,  and  language  must  be  connected  with 
religious  instruction,  in  order  that  words  may  be  joined 
with  real  ideas  in  life.  So  writing  is  but  an  expression 
of  real  ideas,  reading  should  arise  from  a  desire  to  recall 


in  intellec¬ 
tual,  physi¬ 
cal,  and 
moral  life, 
and  in  know¬ 
ing,  feeling, 
and  willing. 


He  likewise 
insists  upon 
‘  connected¬ 
ness’  between 
all  the  sub¬ 
jects  of  the 
course  of 
study,  be¬ 
cause  of  a 
feeling  of 
dependence 
upon  a  higher 
being, 


212  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


and  between 
school  and 
home  life. 


what  has  been  written,  and  art  is  a  striving  to  represent 
the  inward  life.  Knowledge  is  a  tree  upon  which  the 
new  subjects  spring  as  shoots  from  the  established  trunk 
and  branches,  and  all  compose  one  organic  whole.  And 
there  should  likewise  be  a  ‘connectedness’  between  the 
school  and  home  life,  unless  the  former  is  to  be  regarded  as 
a  means  of  cramming  children’s  minds  with  extraneous 
and  external  information  and  culture,  —  ‘far-fetched, 
veneered,  knowledge  and  skill,’  instead  of  raising  knowl¬ 
edge  and  skill,  like  a  plant,  from  within.  The  home  and 
the  school  are  to  work  together  in  training  the  child, 
and  the  means  of  education  should  combine  domestic 
and  scholastic  occupations. 


*  Self -activity  ’  and  *  Creative  ness  ’  as  the  Methods  of 

Education 

These  are  a  few  of  the  applications  of  Froebel’s  fun¬ 
damental  principle  of  ‘unity.’  Probably  the  most  char¬ 
acteristic  and  fruitful  consequence  of  this  law  was  its 
implication  as  to  the  proper  procedure  in  education. 
Froebel  sums  up  his  general  method  under  the  term  ‘self- 
His  general  activity,’  and  explains  it  after  his  usual  mystic  fashion, 
that  of 1S  Since  the  divine  effluence  is  the  essence  of  each  thing,  and 
seif-activity,  *g  destiny  and  life  work  of  all  things  to  reveal  their 

essence,  man,  as  an  intelligent  and  rational  being,  should 
strive  to  become  fully  conscious  of  the  divine  effluence  in 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN 


213 


him  and  reveal  it  with  self-determination  and  freedom. 
“For  the  living  thought,”  says  Froebel,  “the  eternal 
divine  principle  as  such  demands  and  requires  free  self- 
activity  on  the  part  of  man,  the  being  created  for  freedom 
in  the  image  of  God.”  1  And  later,  in  speaking  of  ‘devel¬ 
opment,’  he  adds :  — 

“This  should  be  brought  about,  not  in  the  way  of  dead  imitation 
or  mere  copying,  but  in  the  way  of  living,  spontaneous  self -activity. 
.  .  .  In  every  human  being,  as  a  member  of  humanity  and  as  a 
child  of  God,  there  lies  and  lives  humanity  as  a  whole ;  but  in  each 
one  it  is  realized  and  expressed  in  a  wholly  particular,  peculiar, 
personal,  and  unique  manner,  and  it  should  be  exhibited  in  each 
individual  human  being  in  this  wholly  peculiar,  unique  manner.”  2 

By  ‘self-activity’  Froebel,  therefore,  means  more  than 
mere  activity.  It  is  not  simply  activity  in  response  to 
suggestion  or  instruction  from  parents  or  teachers  that 
he  seeks,  but  activity  of  the  child  in  carrying  out  his 
own  impulses  and  decisions.  Individuality  must  be 
developed  by  this  activity,  and  selfhood  given  its  rightful 
place  as  the  guide  to  the  child’s  powers  when  exercised 
in  learning.  It  is  not  sufficient  that  the  learner  shall  do 
all  for  himself,  but  activity  must  enlist  the  entire  self 
in  all  its  phases  of  being.  Development  is  produced 
through  the  exercise  of  function,  which  consists  in  the 
unfolding  of  a  system  of  inner  aims.  The  soul  does  not 
so  much  possess  activity  as  it  is  itself  activity,  and  instead 

1  Education  of  Man,  §  9. 


2  Op.  cit . ,  §  16. 


214  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


which  is 
both  a  pro¬ 
cess  of  self- 
realization 
and  of  so¬ 
cialization  ; 


of  being  influenced  by,  or  conforming  to,  its  environment, 
it  tends  to  make  its  environment  more  and  more  the  in¬ 
strument  of  self-realization.  Training,  therefore,  should 
begin  with  the  internal  tendencies  and  volitions  of  the 
pupil,  but,  through  the  activities  stimulated  and  the 
interest  guaranteed  thereby,  the  instructional  process 
should  aim  to  direct  him  toward  ideals  and  achieve¬ 
ments  of  greater  importance  and  permanence  than 
would  result  from  these  impulses,  if  left  to  them¬ 
selves.  However,  this  increasing  self-realization  or 
individualization  is  also  a  process  of  socialization.  It 
is  bound  up  with  participation  in  institutional  life. 

Each  one  of  the  various  human  institutions  in  which 

/ 

the  mentality  of  the  race  has  manifested  itself  —  the 
home,  the  school,  the  Church,  the  State,  and  society  at 
large  —  becomes  a  medium  for  the  activity  of  the  indi¬ 
vidual,  and  at  the  same  time  a  means  of  social  control. 
Each  institution  has  its  own  function,  but  tends  to  com¬ 
plement  all  the  others.  The  individual  can  be  educated 
only  in  the  company  of  other  human  beings.  Hence, 
Froebel  held  that  in  education  ‘self-activity’  should  be 
used  to  enable  the  child  to  enter  into  the  life  about  him 
and  to  find  the  connection  between  himself  and  the  ac¬ 
tivities  of  others.  As  far  as  he  enters  into  the  surround¬ 
ing  life,  he  is  to  receive  the  development  needed  for  the 
present,  and  thereby  also  to  be  prepared  for  the  future. 
Likewise,  the  power  of  execution  is  developed  in  connec- 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN  215 


tion  with  the  increasing  knowledge,  and  there  is  no  gap 
between  theory  and  practice. 

Hence  with  this  development  through  ‘  self-activity  ’  is 
connected  FroebeFs  educational  principle  of  ‘  creative¬ 
ness/  by  which  new  forms  and  combinations  are  made  and 
expression  is  given  to  new  images  and  ideas.  Here  also 
he  at  first  gives  his  theory  a  mystic  garb  and  states  it  in 
religious  language.  He  declares  that  “  since  God  created 
man  in  his  own  image,  man  should  create  and  bring  forth 
like  God ;  this  is  the  high  meaning,  the  deep  significance, 
the  great  purpose  of  work  and  industry,  of  productive 
and  creative  activity.”  1  But  when  he  comes  to  deal 
with  constructive  handwork  in  the  school,  he  bases  his 
position  more  upon  psychological  grounds  and  says  :  — 

“Man  is  developed  and  cultured  toward  the  fulfillment  of  his 
destiny  and  mission,  and  is  to  be  valued,  even  in  boyhood,  not  only 
by  what  he  receives  and  absorbs  from  without,  but  much  more 
by  what  he  puts  out  and  unfolds  from  himself.  .  .  .  Plastic 
material  representation  in  life  and  through  doing,  united  with 
thought  and  speech,  is  by  far  more  developing  and  cultivating  than 
the  merely  verbal  representation  of  ideas.”  2 


The  *  Play  Songs,’  ‘  Gifts,  ’  and  1  Occupations,’  and 

Other  Features 

Even  in  the  Education  of  Man,  Froebel  declares  that  the 
systematic  use  of  ‘  self-activity  ’  and  ‘  creativeness  ’  has 


and  he  con¬ 
nects  with 
this  the 
principle  of 
‘  creative- 
ness.’ 


‘  Self-activ¬ 
ity  ’  and 
‘ creative- 


1  op.  tit.,  §  23. 


2  Op.  tit.,  §  94. 


216  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


ness’  appear 
in  the  train¬ 
ing  at  Keil- 
hau,  as  re¬ 
corded  in  the 
Education  of 
Man; 


but  were 
more  com¬ 
pletely  ap¬ 
plied  in  the 

(1)  song, 

(2)  move¬ 
ment 

and  gesture, 
and  (3)  con¬ 
struction 
of  the  kinder¬ 
garten. 


The  best 
illustration 
of  Froebel’s 


been  neglected  in  the  education  of  the  day.  He  here 
advocates  development  through  drawing,  domestic  ac¬ 
tivities,  gardening,  building  of  dams,  houses,  and  for¬ 
tresses,  paper  cutting,  pasteboard  work,  modeling,  and 
other  forms  of  creation.  As  we  have  seen,1  while  all  these 
means  of  expression  were  utilized  at  Keilhau,  not  until 
his  experiment  at  Blankenburg  were  they  definitely 
organized.  In  the  kindergarten,  ‘self-activity’  and  ‘crea¬ 
tiveness  ’  found  complete  application  and  concrete  expres¬ 
sion,  and  Froebel  devoted  the  rest  of  his  life  to  develop¬ 
ing  and  describing  the  course  of  this  new  educational  insti¬ 
tution.  The  training  consists  of  three  coordinate  forms 
of  expression :  (1)  song,  (2)  movement  and  gesture,  and 
(3)  construction;  and  mingled  with  these  and  growing 
out  of  each  is  the  use  of  language  by  the  child.  But  these 
means,  while  separate,  are  intended  to  cooperate  with 
and  interpret  one  another,  and  the  process  is  connected 
as  an  organic  whole.  For  example,  when  the  story  is 
told  or  read,  it  is  expressed  in  song,  dramatized  in  move¬ 
ment  and  gesture,  and  illustrated  by  a  construction 
from  blocks,  paper,  clay,  or  other  material  by  modeling 
or  drawing.  By  thus  embodying  the  ideas  in  objective 
form,  imagination  and  thought  are  to  be  stimulated, 
the  eye  and  hand  trained,  the  muscles  coordinated, 
and  the  motives  and  sentiments  elevated  and  strength¬ 
ened. 


1  See  pp.  199  f.  and  203  f. 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN 


217 


The  Mother  and  Play  Songs  1  were  believed  by  Froebel 
to  contain  the  best  illustration  of  his  system.  Of  them 
he  says,  “I  have  here  laid  down  the  fundamental  ideas 
of  my  educational  principles.”  This  work  consists  of  an 
organized  series  of  carefully  selected  songs,  games,  and 
pictures,  and  is  intended  to  make  clear  and  direct  the 
educational  instinct  of  the  mother.  The  songs  should 
enable  her  to  see  that  the  child’s  education  begins  at 
birth,  and  should  awaken  her  to  the  responsibility  of 
motherhood.  They  should  likewise  exercise  the  infant’s 
senses,  limbs,  and  muscles,  and,  through  the  loving  union 
between  mother  and  child,  draw  both  into  intelligent  and 
agreeable  relations  with  the  common  objects  of  life  about 
them.  For  the  culture  of  the  maternal  consciousness, 
Froebel  prefixed  to  the  ‘play  songs’  seven  ‘mother’s 
songs,’  in  which  he  depicts  the  mother’s  feelings  in  viewing 
her  new-born  infant,  and  her  hopes  and  fears  as  she  wit¬ 
nesses  the  unfolding  physical  and  mental  life  of  the  child. 
The  fifty  ‘play  songs’  contain  each  three  parts:  (1)  a 
motto  for  the  guidance  of  the  mother ;  (2)  a  verse  with 
the  accompanying  music,  to  sing  to  the  child ;  and  (3)  a 
picture  illustrating  the  verse.  Each  song  is  also  con¬ 
nected  with  some  simple  exercise,  which  answers  to  a 
special  physical,  mental,  or  moral  need  of  the  child. 
The  selection  and  order  of  the  songs  were  determined 
with  reference  to  the  child’s  development,  which  ranges 

1  See  p.  204. 


system  is 
found  in  the 
Mother  and 
Play  Songs. 


218  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


The  most 
original  of 
the  materials 
are  the 
‘gifts’  and 
‘occupa¬ 
tions.’ 


from  the  most  spontaneous  movements  up  to  his  ability 
to  represent  his  perceptions  with  drawings.1  A  more 
complete  commentary  is  afforded  by  the  ‘  closing  thoughts7 
and  the  ‘explanations’  furnished  by  Froebel  at  the  end  of 
the  work.2 

The  most  original  and  striking  of  the  kindergarten 
materials  are  the  so-called  ‘gifts’  and  ‘occupations.’ 3 
The  distinction  between  these  two  types  of  media  is  rather 
arbitrary,  as  they  are  so  closely  connected  in  use.  The 
‘occupations’  represent  activities,  while  the  ‘gifts’  fur¬ 
nish  ideas  for  these  activities.  The  ‘gifts’  combine  and 
rearrange  certain  definite  material,  but  do  not  change  the 
form,  while  the  ‘  occupations  ’  reshape,  modify,  and  trans¬ 
form  their  material.  The  products  obtained  from  the 
one  are  transient,  but  from  the  other  are  more  permanent. 
The  emphasis  in  kindergarten  practice  has  come  to  be 
transferred  from  the  ‘gifts’  to  the  ‘occupations,’  which 


1  The  ‘play  songs’  are  divided  into  four  groups  according  to  their 
content :  (i)  spontaneous  movements  and  the  psychology  of  early  child¬ 
hood;  (2)  classification  of  objects  according  to  number,  form,  and  size; 
(3)  ideas  of  the  heavenly  bodies  (£  light  songs  ’) ;  and  (4)  development  of 
the  moral  sense. 

2  For  a  description  of  the  songs,  see  especially  Wiggin  and  Smith’s 
Kindergarten  Principles  and  Practice ,  pp.  42-61  and  92-108;  or  White’s 
Educational  Ideas  of  Froebel ,  Chap.  IX.  Frances  and  Emily  Lord  have 
rendered  the  Mutter  und  Kose-lieder  into  English  under  the  title  Mother’s 
Songs,  Games,  and  Stories,  while  Susan  E.  Blow  has  translated  The  Songs 
and  Music  and  The  Mottoes  and  Commentaries  in  separate  volumes. 

3  See  p.  204. 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN 


have  been  largely  increased  in  range  and  number.  Froe- 
bel  also  strove  to  carry  out  his  principle  of  ‘  development  ’ 
in  the  order  and  gradation  of  the  c gifts.’  They  are  so 
arranged  as  to  lead  from  the  properties  or  activities  of  one 
to  those  of  the  next,  and,  while  introducing  new  impres¬ 
sions,  repeat  the  old.  Every  new  ‘gift’  is  used  alter¬ 
nately  with  the  old,  and  the  use  of  the  new  makes  the  play 
with  the  old  freer  and  more  intelligent.  The  first  ‘gift’ 
consists  of  a  box  of  six  woolen  balls  of  different  colors. 
They  are  to  be  rolled  about  in  play,  and  thus  develop  ideas 
of  color,  material,  form,  motion,  direction,  and  muscular 
sensibility.  A  sphere,  cube,  and  cylinder  of  hard  wood 
compose  the  second  ‘gift.’  Here,  therefore,  are  found  a 
known  factor  in  the  round  sphere  and  an  unknown  one 
in  the  cube.  A  comparison  is  made  of  the  stability  of 
the  cube  with  the  movability  of  the  sphere,  and  the  two 
are  harmonized  in  the  cylinder,  which  possesses  the 
characteristics  and  powers  of  each.  The  third  ‘gift’ 
is  a  large  wooden  cube  divided  into  eight  equal  cubes, 
thus  teaching  the  relations  of  the  parts  to  the  whole  and 
to  one  another,  and  making  possible  original  construc¬ 
tions,  such  as  armchairs,  benches,  thrones,  doorways, 
monuments,  or  steps.  The  three  following  ‘gifts’  divide 
the  cube  in  various  ways  so  as  to  produce  solid  bodies  of 
different  types  and  sizes,  and  excite  an  interest  in  num¬ 
ber,  relation,  and  form.  The  way  is  thus  prepared  for 
constructive  geometry,  algebra,  and  trigonometry,  and 


220  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


for  artistic  constructions.  In  addition  to  the  six  regular 
i gifts/  additional  play  with  ‘tablets/  ‘sticks/  and  ‘rings/ 
sometimes  known  as  ‘gifts’  seven  to  nine,  was  also  intro¬ 
duced  by  Froebel.  This  material  introduces  surfaces, 
lines,  and  points  in  contrast  with  the  preceding  solids,  and 
brings  out  the  relations  of  area,  outline,  and  circumference 
to  volume.  It  offers  innumerable  opportunities  for  the 
invention  of  symmetrical  patterns  and  artistic  design.1 

The  ‘occupations/  which  apply  to  practice  what  has 
been  assimilated  through  the  ‘  gifts/  comprise  a  long  list 
of  constructions  with  paper,  sand,  clay,  wood,  and  other 
materials.  These  require  greater  manual  dexterity  and 
include  considerable  original  design.  They  should  not 
be  undertaken  until  after  the  ‘  gifts/  as  one  must  be 
conscious  of  ideas  before  attempting  to  express  them. 
Corresponding  with  the  ‘gifts’  that  deal  with  solids  maybe 
grouped  ‘occupations’  in  clay  modeling,  cardboard  cutting, 
paper  folding,  and  wood  carving ;  and  with  those  of  sur¬ 
faces  may  be  associated  mat  and  paper  weaving,  stick  shap¬ 
ing,  sewing,  bead  threading,  paper  pricking,  and  drawing.2 

1  Pictures  of  the  ‘gifts’  and  a  more  complete  account  of  their  use  can 
be  found  in  Froebel’s  Pedagogics  of  the  Kindergarten  (translated  by  Jarvis), 
Chaps.  IV-XIII;  White’s  Educational  Ideas  of  Froebel,  Chap.  VIII; 
Wiggin  and  Smith’s  FroebeVs  Gifts;  and  especially  Kraus-Bolte’s  Kin¬ 
dergarten  Guide ,  First  Volume. 

2  An  excellent  account  of  the  1  occupations  ’  is  given  in  Wiggin  and 
Smith’s  FroebeVs  Occupations,  and  even  greater  details  in  Kraus-Bolte’s 
Kindergarten  Guide,  Second  Volume. 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN  221 


Nature  study  always  formed  part  of  Froebel’s  cur¬ 
riculum.  His  principles  of  unity  and  the  symbolic  rev¬ 
elation  of  God  in  nature  impelled  him  to  introduce  the 
children  early  to  an  informal  study  of  the  natural  sci¬ 
ences.  Even  in  the  school  at  Keilhau  1  there  were  con¬ 
tinual  excursions  for  the  study  of  nature.  Likewise,  the 
songs,  games,  and  stories  of  the  kindergarten  are  filled 
with  references  to  natural  surroundings,  and  the  pupils 
are  encouraged  in  their  instinctive  love  for  flowers  and 
living  creatures  through  gardening  and  the  care  of  pet 
animals.  These  occupations  satisfy  their  inherent  crav¬ 
ings,  call  forth  love,  wonder,  self-control,  and  self-sacri¬ 
fice,  and  furnish  material  for  the  development  of  obser¬ 
vation  and  intelligence.  The  children  gain  a  permanent 
interest  in  natural  science,  become  familiarized  with  the 
phenomena  of  nature,  and  come  to  feel  a  communion  and 
living  connection  with  God. 

Since  Froebel  held  to  the  method  of  ‘  self-activity  ’  and 
‘  creativeness  ’  and  appealed  more  to  individual  interests, 
his  idea  of  discipline  necessarily  varied  from  the  authori¬ 
tative  one  usually  imposed.  He  held  that  the  principle 
to  be  observed  was  a  harmony  between  spontaneity  and 
self-control.  He  would  have  evil  overcome  by  starva¬ 
tion  and  atrophy  and  by  the  nurture  and  development 
of  the  good.  He  believed  that  the  will  could  thus  be 
diverted  without  paralyzing  it,  and  that,  if  bad  traits 

1  See  pp.  200  and  216. 


Nature  study. 


In  his  dis¬ 
cipline 
Froebel  be¬ 
lieved  in 
getting  rid  of 
evil  traits  by 
starving 
them. 


222  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Froebel 
never  car¬ 
ried  his  sys¬ 
tem  beyond 
the  kinder¬ 
garten,  ex¬ 
cept  by 
mapping  out 
a  course  for 
‘  transition 
classes.’ 


were  not  entirely  removed,  their  proportion  would  at 
least  be  reduced.  With  him  punishment  was  not  abol¬ 
ished,  but  the  necessity  of  it  practically  disappeared. 

The  schooling  beyond  the  kindergarten  stage  was 
never  worked  out  by  Froebel.  He  felt  that  the  continuity 
and  development  in  the  life  of  the  individual  should  be 
unbroken,  and  in  the  Education  of  Man  he  promises  at 
some  future  time  to  consider  the  stages  of  education 
beyond  boyhood,  with  which  he  closes  there.  But  after 
the  kindergarten  was  once  formulated,  he  became  com¬ 


pletely  absorbed  in  the  development  of  early  childhood, 
and  could  not  be  induced  for  any  length  of  time  to  take 
an  interest  in  the  later  stages  of  education  and  the  ordi¬ 


nary  school  problems.  In  consequence,  except  for  a 
small  effort  of  Froebel  toward  the  close  of  his  life  to  map 
out  a  course  for  Transition  classes,’  no  one  has  ever  se¬ 


riously  undertaken  to  bridge  the  gap  between  the  kinder¬ 
garten  activities,  connected  with  physical  development 
and  sense  impressions,  and  the  elementary  school,  which 
concerns  itself  more  with  judgment,  reasoning,  and  ab¬ 


stractions. 


FroebePs  Crudities,  Mysticism,  and  Symbolism 


Froebel’s 
faults  are 
obvious,  — 
the  pictures, 
music,  and 
verses  of  his 


For  one  pursuing  destructive  criticism  only,  it  would 
not  be  difficult  to  find  flaws  in  both  the  theory  and  prac¬ 
tice  of  Froebel.  In  fact,  the  defects  in  both  his  typical 
works,  Education  of  Man  and  Mother  and  Play  Songs ,  are 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN  223 


singularly  obtrusive,  if  they  be  regarded  only  superficially. 
In  the  latter  the  pictures  are  rough  and  poorly  drawn, 
the  music  is  crude,1  the  verses  are  difficult  to  memorize, 
and  the  arrangement  and  sequence  seem  at  times  to  lack 
consistency.  But  the  illustrations  and  songs  served 
well  the  interests  and  needs  of  those  for  whom  they  were 
produced,  and  Froebel  himself  was  not  insistent  that 
they  should  be  used  after  more  satisfactory  compositions 
were  found.2  He  wished  only  to  afford  examples  of  how 
the  mother  might  aid  in  the  development  of  her  child, 
and  no  other  collection  of  children’s  songs  has  ever 
been  devised  to  compare  with  his  in  educational  value. 
Similarly,  the  mysticism,  artificiality,  and  even  triviality 
that  appear  in  various  forms  throughout  the  Education 
of  Man  bear  no  essential  relation  to  his  basal  principles 
or  his  argument.  In  undertaking  to  make  apparent 
and  efficient  at  every  point  the  fundamental  law  of  life 
and  development,  Froebel  often  strains  his  principle  of 
1  unity,’  and  becomes  most  vague  and  fanciful.  Such, 
for  example,  would  seem  to  be  his  constant  attempts  to 
reveal  the  relationship  underlying  apparent  conflict  in 
his  ‘harmonization  of  opposites’  and  his  ‘connection  by 


Play  Songs 
are  crude ; 


and  his 
mysticism, 
symbolism, 
and 

artificiality 
are  fantastic, 
vague,  and 
confusing; 


1  It  was  composed  for  most  of  the  songs  by  his  disciple,  Robert  Kohl. 

2  However,  despite  the  different  interests  and  occupations  of  American 
life  and  the  advance  in  knowledge  and  music,  there  is  a  group  of  Froebe- 
lians  in  this  country  that  adheres  to  the  letter  rather  than  the  spirit 
of  the  master. 


224  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


contrasts.’ 1  So  symbolism  is  overemphasized  by  him, 
and  is  often  fantastic  and  confusing,  especially  when  the 
basal  philosophy  is  not  understood.  Since  all  things  live 
and  have  their  being  in  and  through  God  and  the  divine 
principle  in  each  is  the  essence  of  its  life,  everything  is 
liable  to  be  considered  by  Froebel  as  symbolic  in  its 
very  nature  and  as  made  by  God  to  reveal  and  express 
himself.  Thus  with  him  the  sphere  becomes  the  symbol 
of  diversity  in  unity,2  the  faces  and  edges  of  crystals  all 
have  mystic  meanings,3  and  the  numbers  three  and 
five  reveal  an  inner  significance.4  At  times  this  sym¬ 
bolism  descends  into  a  literal  and  verbal  pun,  where  it 
seems  as  if  Froebel  can  hardly  be  serious  or  is  struggling 
for  a  suggestive  system  of  mnemonics.  Such  is  his  ex¬ 
planation  of  the  ‘ball’  as  the  symbol  of  unity,  the  ‘ nurs¬ 
ling’  as  a  great  appropriating  ‘eye,’  and  the  ‘boy’  as  one 
who  strives  to  ‘announce’  himself.5  At  times,  too, 
Froebel’s  mystic  views  and  attitude  on  divine  revelation 
make  a  curious  and  incongruous  combination  with  his 

1  See,  for  example,  ‘rest’  and  ‘motion’  in  Education  of  Man ,  §  25. 

2  Op.  cit.,  §  69.  3  Op.  cit.,  §§  70-72. 

4  This  is  seen  in  his  description  of  plants  and  flowers,  while  in  his 

treatment  of  the  family  he  especially  vents  an  eccentric  disquisition  on 
the  number  five. 

6  Ball  is  interpreted  as  5(ild  des)a//,  S angling  as  one  who  (S )augt,  and 
Kind  as  the  stage  where  he  (ver )kiindigt.  See  Pedagogics  of  the  Kinder¬ 
garten,  p.  32,  and  Education  of  Man,  §§  20  and  28.  Similarly,  op.  cit., 
§25,  the  ‘  senses  ’  (S-inn)  are  regarded  as  the  means  of  ‘  self-active  in¬ 
ternalization  ’  (5elbsthatige  Zwwerlichmachung). 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN 


225 


evolutionary  doctrines,  and  his  most  profound  philosophy 
is  interspersed  with  marked  religiosity.1  But,  after  all, 
these  faults,  striking  as  they  are,  are  incidental,  and 
while  they  have  been  magnified  and  expanded  into  im¬ 
portant  features  by  many  of  Froebel’s  literal  disciples,2 
they  should  not  be  divorced  from  the  real  psychological 
principles,  upon  which  they  are  mere  excrescences. 
Likewise,  Froebel’s  practical  work,  while  at  times  me¬ 
chanical,  over-schematized,  and  bolstered  by  esoteric 
speculations,  is  most  ingenious,  and  has  enabled  society 
to  provide  for  a  neglected  and  most  important  stage  in 
education. 


The  Value  of  His  Principles 

It  is,  at  any  rate,  a  most  lamentable  interpretation 
that  takes  account  only  of  the  shortcomings  of  Froebel. 
He  was  the  truest  successor  of  Pestalozzi.  Like  the 
Swiss  reformer,  he  desired  a  natural  development  of  man, 
but  he  had  a  clearer  and  more  definite  comprehension 
of  what  this  consisted  in,  and  he  greatly  enlarged  the 
means  of  accomplishing  a  training  in  keeping  with  it. 
Pestalozzi,  through  his  sympathy  for  humanity  and  the 
inspiration  of  the  moment,  was  interested  primarily 
in  the  practical  aspect  of  educational  reform,  and  devel¬ 
oped  his  theories  afterward.  Froebel,  on  the  other  hand, 
sought  to  formulate  general  principles  from  his  observa- 

1  See,  for  example,  op.  cit.,  §  23.  2  Cf.  footnote  on  p.  223. 

Q 


but  these 
features  are 
incidental, 
and  should 
not  be  mag¬ 
nified. 


And,  on  the 
other  hand, 
he  made 
Pestalozzi’s 
‘natural 
develop¬ 
ment  ’  more 
definite,  and 
applied  ad¬ 
vanced 
philosophy 
and  scien¬ 
tific  ideas  to 
education. 


226  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Thus  he 
formulated 
principles 
and  a  train¬ 
ing  that  may 
be  adapted 
to  any  period 
of  life. 


tion,  make  his  educational  method  grow  out  of  their 
application,  and  constantly  test  his  generalizations  by 
practical  experience.  While  the  one  would  teach  the 
pupil  to  secure  accurate  knowledge  through  observation 
and  to  imitate,  the  other  would  enable  him  to  train  his 
senses  and  emotions  to  proper  activity  as  a  preparation 
for  later  knowledge  and  activity  of  a  more  original  sort. 

Froebel  has  thus  not  only  supplemented  Pestalozzi, 
but  is  recognized  as  one  of  the  first  reformers  to  apply 
the  advanced  philosophy  and  scientific  ideas  of  the  nine¬ 
teenth  century  to  education.  While  Froebel  never 
developed  his  system  much  beyond  the  earliest  period 
of  life,  his  principles  are  suggestive  of  the  most  im¬ 
portant  tendencies  in  all  stages  of  education  to-day. 
Through  his  ideas  of  ‘ continuity’  and  ‘ development ’ 
one  may  more  thoroughly  understand  the  nature  of 
the  child  and  realize  the  central  feature  in  all  life  rela¬ 
tions.  From  these  principles  may  be  derived  the  real 
purpose  of  education  and  the  means  and  method  for  ac¬ 
complishing  it.  Thus  may  be  secured  a  training  adapted 
to  every  period  of  life  and  stage  of  development,  furnish¬ 
ing  the  highest  philosophy  and  the  most  ennobling  ethical 
thought.  Now  that  the  meaning  of  his  ‘  self-activity  ’ 
and  Ccreativeness’  is  coming  to  be  comprehended,  they 
are  recognized  as  most  essential  laws  in  the  educational 
process,  and  are  to  be  valued  as  the  universal  criterion 
of  effective  teaching.  In  harmony  with  Froebel,  the 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN  227 


school  is  coming  to  be  conceived  as  an  institution  in 
which  to  discover  and  work  out  individuality  by  means 
of  initiative  and  execution ;  and  spontaneous  activities, 
like  play,  constructive  work,  and  nature  study,  have  more 
and  more  become  the  means  to  this  end.  The  im¬ 
portance  of  having  all  instruction  lead  to  activity  as 
directly  as  possible  is  now  appreciated,  and  education 
has  been  given  a  social,  moral,  and  practical  meaning 
throughout  the  learning  process.  Thus  the  implications 
of  Froebel’s  system  are  apparent  in  all  modern  educa¬ 
tional  theory  and  practice. 


The  Spread  of  Froebelianism  through  Europe 


Froebelianism  and  the  kindergarten,  then,  contained 
principles  that  were  destined  to  spread  by  virtue  of  their 
educational  value.  But  their  dissemination  was  greatly 
facilitated  after  the  death  of  Froebel  by  the  reformer’s 
devoted  followers.  Froebel’s  widow,  Middendorf,  and 
the  Baroness  von  Biilow  especially  became  the  heirs  of 
his  spiritual  possessions,  and  proceeded  at  once  to  make 
the  heritage  productive.  Middendorf  did  not  long  sur¬ 
vive  the  master,  and  Frau  Froebel’s  part  in  the  wide 
evangelization  was  somewhat  limited  by  her  education. 
It  remained  for  the  intellectual  and  cultured  noble¬ 
woman,  by  means  of  her  social  position  and  knowledge 
of  modern  languages,  to  become  the  great  apostle  of 
Froebel  throughout  Europe.  Shortly  after  his  death, 


Froebel’s 
principles 
were  spread 
by  the  Baron¬ 
ess  von  Bii- 
low  through¬ 
out  Europe,— 


228  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


France, 


Belgium, 


Holland, 


England, 


and  Italy ; 


having  failed  to  obtain  a  revocation  of  the  edict  in  Prussia 
from  either  the  ministry  or  the  king,  the  baroness  turned 
to  foreign  lands.  She  visited  France,  Belgium,  Holland, 
England,  Italy,  Russia,  and  nearly  every  other  section  of 
Europe,  and  the  propaganda  was  everywhere  eagerly 
embraced.  In  Paris  she  took  rooms  at  the  Louvre, 
and  gave  parlor  lectures  to  audiences  including  the  most 
distinguished  men  of  all  religions  and  philosophies,  who 
accepted  the  Froebelian  principles  and  system  with  re¬ 
markable  unanimity.  The  minister  of  education  in 
Belgium  invited  the  baroness  to  Brussels,  where  she 
addressed  numerous  circles  of  prominent  women,  school 
officers,  and  teachers,  and  by  means  of  great  personal 
efforts  succeeded  in  establishing  model  kindergartens 
and  a  journal  devoted  to  the  movement.  In  Holland 
she  founded  kindergartens  at  Amsterdam,  the  Hague, 
Rotterdam,  and  Gueldern,  and  interested  the  minister 
of  education,  many  school  inspectors,  and  directors  of 
schools  in  the  maintenance  of  such  institutions.  She 
carried  on  a  similar  work  in  England,  and  popularized 
the  idea  throughout  the  British  Isles ;  and  kindergartens, 
endorsed  by  numerous  men  of  repute,  sprang  up  on  all 
sides.  Through  her  lectures  in  Italy  a  system  of  kinder¬ 
gartens  was  started  at  Naples  and  elsewhere,  and  great 
promises  of  support  were  exacted.  A  most  noteworthy 
recognition  was  shown  the  principles  she  represented  by 
the  invitation  given  her  to  speak  before  the  ‘  Congress 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN 


of  Philosophers’  at  Frankfurt  in  1867.  This  distin¬ 
guished  gathering  had  been  called  to  inquire  into  con¬ 
temporary  educational  movements.  As  a  result  of  the 
elucidation  of  Froebelianism  by  the  baroness  during  four 
afternoons  of  the  sessions,  a  committee  of  the  society, 
known  as  the  ‘Froebel  Union,’  was  formed  to  continue 
a  study  of  the  system.  Among  the  achievements  of  this 
organization  was  the  foundation  five  years  later  of  an 
institution  for  training  kindergartners  at  Dresden. 

Thus,  while  the  kindergarten  was  not  generally  adopted 
by  the  governments,  it  was  widely  established  by  volun¬ 
tary  means  throughout  civilized  Europe,  and  in  all  coun¬ 
tries  the  work  has  grown  to  mammoth  proportions.  In¬ 
struction  in  Froebelian  principles  is  now  generally  re¬ 
quired  in  most  normal  and  teacher  training  institutions  of 
Europe.  Sometimes,  as  in  France  and  England,  it  has 
been  combined  with  the  infant  school  movement,1  and 
has  lost  some  of  its  original  characteristics,  but  even 
in  these  cases  the  cross-fertilization  has  afforded  abun¬ 
dant  educational  fruitage.  Only  in  Germany,  the  native 


1  While  the  infant  schools  originally  began  in  France  in  1769,  and  were 
the  prototypes  of  the  ecoles  maternelles,  the  movement  also  started  in 
England  independently  a  generation  later  through  Robert  Owen.  This 
philanthropist  hoped  thereby  to  mitigate  the  illiteracy  of  the  factory 
population,  which  was  largely  recruited  by  children  from  five  to  seven, 
who  were  bound  out  for  nine  years  before  receiving  any  education.  The 
schools  were  especially  popularized  through  the  writings  of  Samuel 
Wilderspin  and  through  ‘The  Home  and  Colonial  Society.’ 


and  laid  be¬ 
fore  the 
‘  Congress  of 
Philosophers’ 
at  Frank¬ 
furt. 


Thus  the 
kindergarten 
principles 
have  been 
greatly  ex¬ 
tended  in 
Europe,  ex¬ 
cept  in 
Germany. 


230  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


The  kinder¬ 
garten  has 
had  the  wid¬ 
est  influence 


land  of  the  kindergarten,  has  serious  hostility  to  the  idea 
remained.  The  deadening  effects  of  the  ministerial  de¬ 
cree,  despite  the  efforts  of  the  heroic  baroness  in  estab¬ 
lishing  and  encouraging  kindergarten  associations,  hung 
over  the  German  states  for  a  decade;  and  even  since  the 
removal  of  the  ban,  kindergartens  have,  with  few  ex¬ 
ceptions,  never  been  recognized  as  real  schools  or  part  of 
the  regular  state  system.  The  kindergartners  are  not 
subject  to  the  requirements  demanded  of  all  other  ele¬ 
mentary  teachers,  and  are  forbidden  to  touch  on  the  for¬ 
mal  school  subjects  or  work  of  any  sort  that  would  seem 
to  duplicate  the  primary  curriculum.  Even  to-day  the 
German  kindergarten  is  regarded  as  little  more  than  a 
day  nursery  or  convenient  place  to  deposit  small  chil¬ 
dren,  and  have  them  amused.  The  educational  principles 
for  which  Froebel  contended  are  not  generally  conceded 
in  Germany.1 

The  Kindergarten  in  the  United  States 

The  influence  of  the  kindergarten  has  been  more 
marked  in  the  United  States  than  in  any  other  country. 
In  the  early  sixties  Elizabeth  P.  Peabody  and  others 

1  When  Professor  Payne  of  the  London  College  of  Preceptors  visited 
the  kindergartens  in  six  German  cities  in  1874,  he  found  that,  while  the 
theory  was  just,  natural,  and  all-sided,  the  teachers  were  inefficient,  and 
the  rooms  were  often  small,  unsanitary,  and  ill-lighted.  (See  Payne, 
Lectures  on  the  History  of  Education ,  pp.  203-271.)  More  than  a  genera¬ 
tion  later  the  same  general  conditions  seem  to  obtain. 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN  231 

became  interested  in  accounts  of  Froebel’s  system,  and, 
without  a  proper  knowledge  of  the  details,  undertook 
to  open  kindergartens  in  Boston.  Notwithstanding 
the  immediate  success  of  these  institutions  and  the  evi¬ 
dent  enjoyment  of  the  children,  Miss  Peabody  felt  that 
she  had  not  succeeded  in  getting  the  real  principles  and 
spirit  of  Froebel,  and  in  1867  she  went  to  study  with 
his  widow,  who  had  been  settled  in  Hamburg  for  several 
years.  Upon  her  return  the  following  year  Miss  Pea¬ 
body  corrected  the  errors  in  her  work  and  established  a 
periodical  to  explain  and  spread  Froebelianism.  The 
remainder  of  her  life  was  spent  in  interesting  parents, 
philanthropists,  and  school  boards  in  the  movement, 
and  a  service  was  done  for  the  kindergarten  in  America 
almost  equal  to  that  of  Baroness  von  Biilow  in  Europe. 
In  1872  Maria  Bolte,  afterwards  the  wife  of  Professor 
John  Kraus,1  who  had  studied  with  Frau  Froebel,  was 
induced  to  settle  in  New  York,  and,  through  her  pupils 
and  those  of  other  German  kindergartners,  the  cause  was 
rapidly  promoted.  The  same  year  saw  the  beginning  of 
Susan  E.  Blow’s  great  work  in  St.  Louis,  where  her  free 
training  school  for  kindergartners  was  opened.  Two 
years  later  S.  H.  Hill  of  Florence,  Massachusetts,  started 
a  munificent  provision  for  free  kindergartens  in  his 
vicinity,  and  four  years  after  that  Mrs.  Quincy  A.  Shaw 

1  She  has  since  been  widely  known  as  Mrs.  Maria  Kraus-Bolte,  and  is 
still  (1911)  living  in  New  York  City. 


in  the  United 
States. 


It  was  in¬ 
troduced  in 
Boston  by 
Elizabeth  P. 
Peabody,  in 
New  York  by 
Maria 
Bolte,  and 
in  St.  Louis 
by  Susan  E. 
Blow;  and 
support 
was  given 
the  work  by 
S.  H.  Hill, 
Mrs.  Quincy 
A.  Shaw,  and 
others. 


232  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


It  soon  be¬ 
came  part  of 
the  public 
school  sys¬ 
tem  in  St. 
Louis,  San 
Francisco, 
Boston,  and 
other  cities. 


began  establishing  them  at  various  locations  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Boston,  until  she  was  supporting  at 
least  thirty  such  institutions.  Many  other  philan¬ 
thropic  persons  became  much  interested,  and  over  one 
hundred  voluntary  associations  were  soon  organized  to 
found  and  maintain  kindergartens.  Through  the  work 
of  Emma  Marwedel,  who  was  invited  to  California  in 
1876  by  the  ‘Froebel  Union,’  successful  training  classes 
were  established  at  Los  Angeles,  Oakland,  and  Berkeley. 
Voluntary  kindergartens  were  also  rapidly  opened,  and 
there  was  soon  organized  the  ‘Golden  Gate  Association’ 
at  San  Francisco,  which  at  its  height  supported  forty- 
one  free  institutions  and  an  excellent  training  school. 
In  Philadelphia,  Chicago,  Milwaukee,  Detroit,  Pittsburg, 
Cincinnati,  Cleveland,  Washington,  Baltimore,  Louis¬ 
ville,  and  other  centers,  subscriptions  were  before  long 
raised  by  the  churches  and  other  philanthropic  agencies, 
and  the  work  everywhere  grew  apace. 

But  philanthropy  and  private  foundations,  after  all,  are 
restrictive,  and  it  was  not  until  the  kindergartens  began 
to  be  adopted  by  the  school  systems  that  the  move¬ 
ment  became  truly  national  in  the  United  States.  Boston 
early  added  kindergartens  to  her  public  schools,  but 
after  several  years  of  trial  gave  them  up  on  account  of 
the  expense.  The  first  permanent  establishment  under 
a  city  board  was  made  in  1873  at  St.  Louis  through  the 
efforts  of  Miss  Blow  and  Dr.  William  T.  Harris,  then  city 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN 


superintendent  of  schools.  Twelve  kindergartens  were 
organized  at  first,  but  others  were  opened  as  rapidly  as 
competent  directors  could  be  prepared  at  Miss  Blow’s 
training  school.  Within  a  decade  there  were  more  than 
fifty  public  kindergartens  and  nearly  eight  thousand 
pupils  in  St.  Louis.  San  Francisco  authorized  the  incor¬ 
poration  of  kindergartens  in  the  public  schools  in  1880 ; 
and  New  York,  Boston,  Philadelphia,  Buffalo,  Pittsburg, 
Rochester,  Providence,  Milwaukee,  Minneapolis,  and  most 
other  progressive  cities  and  even  many  smaller  munici¬ 
palities  have  gradually  made  the  work  an  integral  part 
of  their  system.  At  present  there  must  be  nearly  two 
hundred  cities  that  include  this  stage  of  education  in  their 
schools.  That  means  a  total  of  some  fifteen  hundred 
public  kindergartens  1  with  nearly  twice  as  many  teachers 
and  fully  one  hundred  thousand  pupils.  About  twenty 
of  the  cities  employ  a  special  supervisor  to  inspect  the 
work.  Excellent  training  schools  for  kindergartners  are 
also  maintained  by  half  a  hundred  public  and  quasi¬ 
public  normal  institutions.  A  large  number  of  extensive 
treatises,  manuals,  and  periodicals  devoted  to  the  sub¬ 
ject  of  kindergarten  work  are  published,  and  have  a  wide 
circulation  in  every  state  of  the  Union.2 

1  The  number  would  be  nearly  quadrupled  by  the  addition  of  the  pri¬ 
vate  kindergartens. 

2  A  most  complete,  though  succinct,  account  of  the  history  of  the  kin¬ 
dergarten  in  the  United  States  is  given  in  Susan  E.  Blow’s  Kindergarten 
Education ,  pp.  1-10,  under  the  head  of  ‘four  sharply  defined  movements.’ 


234  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


SUPPLEMENTARY  READING1 
I.  Sources 

*Froebel,  F.  W.  A.,  Autobiography  (translated  by  Michaelis  and 
Moore) ;  Education  by  Development  (translated  by  Jarvis) ; 
Education  of  M an  (translated  byHailmann);  Letters  (edited 
by  Heinemann) ;  Letters  on  the  Kindergarten  (translated  by 
Poesche,  and  edited  by  Michaelis  and  Moore) ;  Mother  Songs, 
Games,  and  Stories  (translated  by  F.  and  E.  Lord) ;  Mottoes 
and  Commentaries  of  Mother  Play  (translated  by  Eliot  and 
Blow) ;  Pedagogics  of  the  Kindergarten  (translated  by  Jarvis) ; 
Songs  and  Music  of  Mother  Play  (translated  by  Blow). 

Lange,  W.  FroebeVs  Gesammelte  Pddagogische  Schriften  (three 
volumes)  and  Reminiscences  of  Froebel  (. American  Journal  of 
Education,  Vol.  XXX,  pp.  833-845). 

*Marenholtz-B  ulo  w,  Berthe  M.  von.  Reminiscences  of  Friedrich 
Froebel. 

Seidel,  F.  FroebeVs  Mutter-  und  Kose-Lieder. 

II.  Authorities 

*Barnard,  H.  (Editor).  Kindergarten  and  Child  Culture. 

*Blow,  Susan  E.  Educational  Issues  in  the  Kindergarten,  Kinder¬ 
garten  Education  {Monographs  on  Education  in  the  United 
States,  edited  by  N.  M.  Butler,  No.  I),  Letters  to  a  Mother, 
and  Symbolic  Education. 

Boardman,  J.  H.  Educational  Ideas  of  Froebel  and  Pestalozzi. 

*Bowen,  H.  C.  Froebel  and  Education  by  Self -activity. 

1  For  further  references  to  the  Froebelian  literature,  consult  Bowen, 

Froebel,  pp.  197-204;  Cubberley,  Syllabus  in  the  History  of  Education, 

pp.  273  f.  ;  and  Monroe,  Syllabus  in  the  History  and  Principles  of  Educa¬ 
tion  (edition  of  1911),  pp.  66  ff. 


FROEBEL  AND  THE  KINDERGARTEN 


Buchner,  E.  F.  Froebel  from  a  Psychological  Standpoint  ( Educa¬ 
tion ,  Vol.  XV,  pp.  105-113  and  169-173). 

Butler,  N.  M.  Some  Criticisms  of  the  Kindergarten  (. Educational 
Review ,  Vol.  XVIII,  pp.  285-291). 

Cole,  P.  R.  Herbart  and  Froebel:  an  Attempt  at  Synthesis. 

*Compayre,  G.  History  of  Pedagogy.  (Translated  by  Payne.) 
Pp.  446-465. 

Eucken,  R.  The  Philosophy  of  Froebel  ( The  Forum ,  Vol.  XXX, 
pp.  172  ff.). 

Goldammer,  H.  The  Kindergarten.  (Translated  by  Wright.) 

*Hailmann,  W.  N.  Kindergarten  Culture. 

Hanschmann,  A.  B.  The  Kindergarten  System. 

Harrison,  Elizabeth  A.  A  Study  of  Child  Nature. 

Hereord,  W.  H.  The  Student’s  Froebel. 

Hopkins,  Louisa  P.  The  Spirit  of  the  New  Education. 

*Hughes,  J.  L.  Froebel’ s  Educational  Laws. 

*Kraus-Bolte,  Maria,  and  Kraus,  J.  The  Kindergarten 
Guide.  Two  volumes. 

MacVannel,  J.  A.  Educational  Theories  of  Herbart  and  Froebel 
and  The  Philosophy  of  Froebel  ( Teachers  College  Record ,  Vol. 
IV,  pp.  335-377)- 

Marenholtz-Bulow,  Berthe  M.  von.  The  Child  and  Child 
Nature. 

Meiklejohn,  J.  M.  D.  The  New  Education. 

Munroe,  J.  P.  The  Educational  Ideal.  Chap.  VIII. 

*Payne,  J.  Froebel  and  the  Kindergarten. 

*Peabody,  Elizabeth  P.  Education  in  the  Home ,  the  Kinder¬ 
garten,  and  the  Primary  School  and  Lectures  in  the  Training 
Schools  for  Kinder  gar  tners. 

Pollock,  Louise.  National  Kindergarten  Manual. 

Poulsson,  Emilie.  Love  and  Law  in  Child  Training. 

Proudfoot,  Andrea  H.  A  Mother’s  Ideals. 

*Quick,  R.  H.  Educational  Reformers.  Chap.  XVII. 


236  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Schaeffer,  Mary  F.  A  Cycle  of  Work  in  the  Kindergarten. 

Shirreff,  Emily.  A  Short  Sketch  of  the  Life  of  Friedrich  Froebel 
and  The  Kindergarten  System. 

Snider,  D.  J.  Froebel’ s  Mother  Play  Songs,  The  Life  of  Froebel, 
and  The  Psychology  of  Froebel’ s  Play  Gifts. 

Thorndike,  E.  L.  The  Psychology  of  the  Kindergarten  ( Teachers 
College  Record,  pp.  377-408). 

Weaver,  Emily  A.  Paper  and  Scissors  in  the  Schoolroom. 

Welton,  J.  A  Synthesis  of  Herbart  and  Froebel. 

*  White,  Jessie.  The  Educational  Ideas  of  Froebel. 

Wiggin,  Kate  D.  Children’s  Rights. 

Wiggin,  Kate  D.  (Editor).  The  Kindergarten. 

Wiggin,  Kate  D.,  and  Smith,  Nora  A.  Froebel’ s  Gifts,  Froebel’ s 
Occupations,  Kindergarten  Principles  and  Practice,  and  The 
Republic  of  Childhood. 


CHAPTER  XII 

LANCASTER  AND  BELL,  AND  THE  MONITORIAL 

SYSTEM 

In  1798,  an  English  Quaker,  but  twenty  years  of  age, 
opened  a  novel  type  of  school  for  the  children  of  the  poor 
in  Southwark,  London.  The  youthful  teacher,  whose 
name  was  Joseph  Lancaster  (1778-1838),  had  come  to 
feel  that  “the  want  of  system  and  order  is  almost  uni¬ 
form  in  every  class  of  schools  within  the  reach  of  the 
poor.”  He  declared,  “  there  is  little  encouragement  for 
masters,  parents,  and  scholars;  and  while  this  is  the 
case,  it  is  no  wonder  that  ignorance  prevails  among  the 
poor.”  That  this  illiteracy  and  lack  of  organization 
might  be  overcome,  he  began  himself  to  educate  as  many 
of  the  barefoot  and  unkempt  children  of  the  district  as 
he  could.  His  schoolroom  was  soon  crowded  with  a 
hundred  or  more  pupils,  and,  in  order  to  teach  them 
all,  he  used  the  older  scholars  as  assistants.  He  taught 
the  lesson  first  to  these  ‘monitors,’  and  they  in  turn 
imparted  it  to  the  others,  who  were  divided  into  equal 
groups.  Each  monitor  cared  for  a  single  group. 


To  educate 

the  poor  in 

Southwark, 

Lancaster 

started  a 

‘monitorial’ 

school. 


237 


238  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


His  success, 
chronicled  in 
his  Improve¬ 
ments  in 
Education, 
caused  the 
system  to  be 
spread 
throughout 
England. 


‘The  Royal 
Lancasterian 
Institution’ 
was  founded 
to  continue 
his  work ; 
but  Lan¬ 
caster  soon 
left  England, 
and  the  asso¬ 
ciation  be¬ 
came  known 
as  ‘The  Brit¬ 
ish  and  For¬ 
eign  Society.’ 


Success  of  Monitorialism,  and  the  Formation  of  the 

‘British  and  Foreign*  and  the  ‘National  Societies 

The  work  was  very  successful  from  the  first,  and  Lancas¬ 
ter  called  further  attention  to  it  in  1803  by  an  account 
he  published  under  the  title  of  Improvements  in  Education 
as  it  respects  the  Industrious  Classes  of  the  Community. 
The  school  was  twice  enlarged  by  persons  of  wealth; 
many  of  the  nobility  and  aristocracy  came  to  visit  the 
institution;  and  the  king  summoned  Lancaster  for  an 
interview,  and  made  a  generous  contribution  for  his  work. 
A  training  school  was  soon  opened  to  spread  this  system 
among  other  teachers,  and  Lancaster  began  to  lecture 
on  his  methods  throughout  England  and  to  establish 
‘monitorial’  schools  everywhere.  It  was  generally  be¬ 
lieved  that  the  problem  of  national  education  had  at 
length  been  solved,  and  that  an  effective  means  had  been 
found  for  educating  everyone  with  little  cost.  Lancaster, 
however,  proved  most  reckless,  and  his  venture  had  by 
1808  plunged  him  into  debt  to  the  extent  of  six  thousand 
pounds.  Having  rescued  him  from  the  debtors’  prison, 
certain  philanthropic  men  of  means  in  that  year  founded 
‘The  Royal  Lancasterian  Institution,’  to  continue  the 
work  on  a  practical  basis.  But  within  half  a  dozen  years, 
Lancaster,  who  seems  never  to  have  been  able  to  get  along 
with  people,  withdrew  from  the  association  and  started 
a  school  of  his  own.  A  few  years  later  he  left  England 


LANCASTER  AND  BELL,  MONITORIAL  SYSTEM  239 


for  foreign  lands,  where  he  again  met  with  failure  and 
poverty,  and  eventually  died  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
a  disappointed  man. 

Yet  the  organization  for  perpetuating  his  work,  which 
after  the  withdrawal  of  Lancaster  became  known  as 
‘The  British  and  Foreign  Society,’  continued  to  flourish 
and  perform  a  splendid  service  for  education.  So  suc¬ 
cessful  was  it  that  the  Church  of  England  began  to  fear 
its  liberalistic  influence  upon  education.  Following  the 
nonconformist  attitude  of  its  Quaker  founder,  the  edu¬ 
cation  of  the  society  included  religion  and  reading  the 
Bible,  but  permitted  no  catechism  or  denominational 
instruction  of  any  sort.  To  most  Anglican  churchmen 
such  religious  teaching  seemed  loose  and  colorless,  and 
in  1811  ‘The  National  Society  for  Promoting  the  Educa¬ 
tion  of  the  Poor  in  the  Principles  of  the  Established 
Church’  was  founded  by  them.  This  long-named 
association  was  to  use  the  ‘monitorial’  system,  and  to 
have  a  Reverend  Doctor  Bell  as  its  manager.  Andrew 
Bell  (1753-1832)  had  been  an  army  chaplain  and  the 
superintendent  of  an  orphanage  in  India,  and  had  the 
idea  of  monitorial  instruction  suggested  to  him  by  the 
Hindu  education.  A  year  before  Lancaster  opened  his 
school,  Dr.  Bell  had  published  his  treatise  known  as 
An  Experiment  in  Education  Made  at  the  Male  Asylum 
of  Madras;  and  while  the  Quaker  philanthropist  began 
his  system  independently,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  he  re- 


To  compete 
with  this 
non-sectarian 
association, 
the  Church 
of  England 
founded 
‘The 
National 
Society  ’ 
with  Dr. 

Bell  in 
charge,  who 
had  pub¬ 
lished  an 
account  of 
his  Experi¬ 
ment  in  Edu¬ 
cation,  on  the 
‘  monitorial  ’ 
basis. 


The  system 
of  Lancaster 
was  broader 
than  that  of 
the  National 
Society,  and 
was  more 
elaborate. 


240  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 

ceived  help  later  from  Bell.  Although  they  formed  no 
part  of  Bell’s  original  methods  in  Madras,  the  catechism 
and  the  prayer  book  were  now  taught  dogmatically  in  the 
schools  founded  by  the  ‘  National  Society/  and  as  Dr. 
Bell  proved  an  admirable  director,  the  affairs  of  the 
organization  prospered  marvelously.  In  consequence,  a 
healthy  rivalry  with  the  older  association  of  the  Lan- 
casterians  rapidly  grew  up. 

Differences  between  the  Systems  of  Lancaster 

and  Bell 

‘Monitorial*  or  ‘mutual’  instruction,  however,  was 
not  original  with  either  Lancaster  or  Bell.  Besides  being 
used  by  the  Hindus,1  it  has  formed  part  of  the  Jesuit 
system  of  education,2  and  was  confidently  recommended 
by  Comenius  in  his  Didactica  Magna?  Nevertheless, 
it  was  the  work  of  Lancaster  and  Bell  that  greatly  de¬ 
veloped  the  method  and  brought  it  into  prominence. 
The  plans  of  the  two  men,  while  analogous,  differed 
somewhat  in  spirit  and  details.  Without  considering 
the  methods  of  religious  instruction,  the  system  of  Lan¬ 
caster  was  generally  animated  by  broader  motives. 
While  he  failed  to  teach  certain  subjects,  it  was  simply 
because  his  resources  were  limited;  but  the  National 


1  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  before  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  87  f. 

2  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition,  p.  218. 

3  See  pp.  32  f. 


LANCASTER  AND  BELL,  MONITORIAL  SYSTEM  241 


Society  purposely  curtailed  the  range  of  its  instruc¬ 
tion  on  the  ground  that  “  there  is  a  risk  of  elevating 
those  who  are  doomed  to  the  drudgery  of  daily  labour 
above  their  station,  and  rendering  them  unhappy  and 
discontented  with  their  lot.”  In  the  matter  of  details, 
both  men  worked  out  systematically  the  idea  of  instruct¬ 
ing  through  monitors,  and  both  used  a  desk  covered 
with  sand1  as  a  means  of  teaching  writing;  but  in  other 
respects  Lancaster  elaborated  the  method  more  than 
Bell.  By  having  the  speller  or  other  text  printed  in 
large  type  and  suspending  it  from  the  wall,  he  made  one 
book  serve  for  a  whole  class,  or  even  for  the  entire  school. 
Through  the  use  of  slates  and  dictation  he  had  five  hun¬ 
dred  boys  spell  and  write  the  same  word  at  the  same 
time.  He  arranged  a  new  method  in  arithmetic  whereby 
any  child  who  could  read  might  teach  the  subject  with 
accuracy.  Moreover,  although  a  member  of  the  Society 
of  Friends,  Lancaster  introduced  more  military  discipline 
into  his  system  than  did  his  rival.  He  believed  in  com¬ 
pany  organization,  drill,  regimental  control,  precision, 
and  a  prompt  observance  of  the  word  of  command.  He 
also  developed  a  system  of  badges,  tickets,  offices,  and 
other  rewards,  and,  in  order  to  avoid  flogging,  a  set  of 
punishments  by  which  the  offender  was  made  an  object 
of  ridicule  rather  than  physical  pain.  There  were  also 
a  number  of  unessential  differences  between  the  two 

1  See  footnote  1  on  p.  240. 

R 


242  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


systems  in  the  manner  of  arranging  their  classes.1  They 
likewise  differed  in  their  method  of  training  teachers.  In 
order  to  acquire  the  Lancasterian  system,  a  teacher  was 
required  to  spend  a  week  or  more  as  a  monitor  in  each 
of  the  classes  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest,  while  with 
the  Bell  organization  he  had  to  become  an  actual  pupil 
in  each  of  the  grades. 


Value  of  the  Monitorial  System  in  England 


The  moni¬ 
torial  sys¬ 
tem,  while  it 
accomplished 
much  when 
little  atten¬ 
tion  was 
given  to 
education, 
was  formal 
and  mechan¬ 
ical. 


Neither  Bell  nor  Lancaster  deserves  much  praise  as 
an  educational  reformer.  Each  was  vain  and  peda- 
gogically  ignorant,  and  saw  but  one  side  of  education. 
While  both  societies  accomplished  much  good  at  a  time 
when  little  attention  was  given  to  instruction  and  less 
to  the  problems  of  education,  the  monitorial  systems 
overemphasized  repetition  in  the  teaching  process  and 
treated  education  purely  from  the  standpoint  of  rou¬ 
tine.  The  monitorial  method  was  not  real  instruction, 
but  a  formal  drill.  It  had  no  principles  and  little  of 
the  elasticity  that  was  apparent  in  the  more  psycho¬ 
logical  methods  of  the  reformers  on  the  Continent.  The 


mechanical  basis  of  such  a  system  is  exposed  by  the  arith- 


1  For  example,  Lancaster  had  his  pupils  located  in  a  mass  at  the  center 
of  the  room,  while  Bell  arranged  their  desks  around  the  walls.  The  classes 
when  reciting  under  Lancaster’s  monitors  consisted  of  ten  or  twelve 
standing  in  semicircles ;  Bell  placed  a  larger  number  in  each  group  and 
seated  them  on  benches  in  three  sides  of  a  square. 


LANCASTER  AND  BELL,  MONITORIAL  SYSTEM  243 

metical  boast  of  Lancaster.  He  calculated:  “Each  boy 
can  spell  one  hundred  words  in  a  morning.  If  one  hun¬ 
dred  scholars  can  do  that  two  hundred  mornings  yearly, 
the  following  will  be  the  total  of  their  efforts  at  improve¬ 
ment.  ”  He  then  shows  that  there  will  be  an  annual 
achievement  of  two  million  words  spelt.  Similarly,  in 
arithmetic  he  seems  to  hold  that  it  is  simply  a  question 
of  the  number  of  sums  done  in  a  given  time,  and  not  at 
all  a  matter  of  principles. 

Yet  the  Lancaster-Bell  schools  did  awaken  the  con¬ 
science  of  the  English  nation  to  the  need  of  general  edu¬ 
cation  for  the  poor,  and  the  system  emphasized  the  school 
as  an  organized  community  for  mutual  aid.  The  societies 
afforded  a  substitute,  though  a  poor  one,  for  national 
education  in  the  days  before  the  government  was  willing 
to  pay  for  general  education  or  the  denominations  were 
able  to  furnish  it,  and  they  became  the  avenues  through 
which  such  appropriations  as  the  government  did  make 
were  distributed. 

Results  of  Lancasterianism  in  the  United  States 

In  the  United  States,  where  complete  freedom  in 
religion  obtained,  the  system  of  Dr.  Bell  and  the  Na¬ 
tional  Society  found  little  footing.  The  monitorial 
system  in  its  Lancasterian  form,  however,  was  intro¬ 
duced  into  New  York  City  in  1806.  The  *  Society  for 
the  Establishment  of  a  Free  School/  after  investigating 


But  it 
afforded  a 
national 
education  in 
England 
before  it 
could  be 
otherwise 
obtained. 


The  Lan¬ 
casterian 
system  was 
introduced 
into  many 
American 
cities, 


244  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


and  did  a 
great  service 
where  free 
schools  had 
been  few 


the  best  methods  in  other  cities  and  countries,  decided 
to  try  the  system  of  Lancaster.  It  spread  rapidly 
through  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Massachusetts,  Con¬ 
necticut,  and  other  states,  and  before  long  had  in¬ 
fluenced  nearly  all  cities  of  any  size  as  far  south  as 
Charleston,  and  west  as  far  as  Cincinnati.  In  1818 
Lancaster  himself  was  invited  to  America,  and  assisted 
in  the  monitorial  schools  of  New  York,  Brooklyn,  and 
Philadelphia.  A  dozen  years  later  the  system  began  to 
be  introduced  into  the  high  schools  and  academies,  and 
for  two  decades  it  was  the  prevailing  method  in  second¬ 
ary  education.  Training  schools  for  teachers  on  the 
Lancasterian  basis  became  common. 

In  fact,  the  monitorial  system  was  destined  to  perform 
a  great  service  for  American  education.  At  the  time  of 
its  introduction,  public  and  free  schools  were  generally 
lacking,  outside  of  New  England.  Even  in  that  section 
the  early  Puritan  provision  for  schools  had  largely  be¬ 
come  a  dead  letter,  and  the  facilities  that  existed  were 
meager,  and  available  during  but  a  small  portion  of  the 
year.  In  all  parts  of  the  country  illiteracy  was  almost 
universal  among  children  of  the  poor.  This  want  of 
school  opportunities  was  rendered  more  serious  by  the 
rapid  growth  of  American  cities,  which  was  evident  even 
in  the  earliest  part  of  the  century,  and  by  the  consequent 
increase  and  concentration  of  ignorance,  poverty,  and 
crime.  Societies  like  that  in  New  York  City,  formed  to 


LANCASTER  AND  BELL,  MONITORIAL  SYSTEM  245 


study  and  relieve  the  situation,  were  driven  to  the  con¬ 
clusion  that  free  schools  must  be  instituted,  if  the  poorer 
classes  were  to  be  trained  to  habits  of  thrift  and  virtue. 

Because  of  its  comparative  inexpensiveness,  these  philan¬ 
thropic  associations  came  to  regard  the  system  of  Lan¬ 
caster  as  a  very  godsend  for  their  purpose.  And  when, 
before  long,  the  people  awoke  to  the  crying  need  of  public 
education,  the  legislators  found  the  monitorial  schools 
the  cheapest  way  out  of  the  difficulty,  and  the  provision 
they  made  for  these  schools  gradually  prepared  the  way 
for  the  ever  increasing  expenditures  and  taxation  that 
had  to  be  made  before  satisfactory  schools  could  be 
established.  Hence  the  introduction  of  Lancasterianism 
may  well  be  considered  to  have  provided  a  basis  for  the 
substantial  public  support  of  education  now  universal  in 
the  United  States. 

Moreover,  the  Lancasterian  schools  were  not  only  and  the  work 

•  •  •  ineffective 

economical,  but  most  effective  when  the  educational 
conditions  of  the  times  are  taken  into  consideration. 

Even  in  the  cities,  the  one-room  and  one-teacher  school, 
which  had  been  perpetuated  from  the  district  system, 
was  the  prevailing  type,  and  grading  was  practically 
unknown.  The  whole  organization  and  administration 
was  shiftless  and  uneconomical,  and  a  great  improve¬ 
ment  was  brought  about  by  the  carefully  planned  and 
detailed  methods  of  Lancaster.  The  schools  were  made 
over  through  his  definite  mechanics  of  instruction, 


246  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


centralized  management,  well-trained  teachers,  im¬ 
proved  apparatus,  discipline,  hygiene,  and  other  fea¬ 
tures.  We  can,  then,  well  understand  the  enthusiasm 
for  these  new  schools  that  is  apparent  in  the  utterances 
and  writings  of  statesmen,  educators,  and  other  per¬ 
sons  of  the  times  that  felt  responsible  for  the  training 
of  the  people.  One  of  the  earliest  and  best  known 
estimates  is  that  of  the  governor  of  New  York,  De 
Witt  Clinton,  who  in  1809  declared  in  his  address  at 
the  dedication  of  the  new  building  of  the  Free  School 
Society :  — 

“When  I  perceive  that  many  boys  in  our  school  have  been 
taught  to  read  and  write  in  two  months,  who  did  not  before  know 
the  alphabet,  and  that  even  one  has  accomplished  it  in  three  weeks 
—  when  I  view  all  the  bearings  and  tendencies  of  this  system  — 
when  I  contemplate  the  habits  of  order  which  it  forms,  the  spirit 
of  emulation  which  it  excites,  the  rapid  improvement  which  it 
produces,  the  purity  of  morals  which  it  inculcates  —  when  I  behold 
the  extraordinary  union  of  celerity  in  instruction  and  economy  of 
expense  —  and  when  I  perceive  one  great  assembly  of  a  thousand 
children,  under  the  eye  of  a  single  teacher,  marching  with  un¬ 
exampled  rapidity  and  with  perfect  discipline  to  the  goal  of  knowl¬ 
edge,  I  confess  that  I  recognize  in  Lancaster  the  benefactor  of  the 
human  race.  I  consider  his  system  as  creating  a  new  era  in  edu¬ 
cation,  as  a  blessing  sent  down  from  heaven  to  redeem  the  poor 
and  distressed  of  this  world  from  the  power  and  dominion  of 
ignorance.”  1 

1  For  Clinton’s  complete  eulogy  of  the  system  adopted  by  the  Free 
School  Society,  of  which  he  was  president,  see  Bourne,  History  of  the 
Public  School  Society  of  the  City  of  New  York ,  pp.  18-20. 


LANCASTER  AND  BELL,  MONITORIAL  SYSTEM  247 

But  while  the  monitorial  methods  met  a  great  edu¬ 
cational  emergency  in  the  United  States,  they  were 
clearly  mechanical,  inelastic,  and  without  psychological 
foundation.  Naturally  their  sway  could  not  last  long, 
and  as  public  sentiment  for  education  increased,  and 
enlarged  material  resources  enabled  the  people  to  make 
greater  appropriations  for  education,  the  obvious  defects 
of  the  monitorial  system  became  more  fully  appreciated 
and  brought  about  its  abandonment.  It  gave  way  to 
the  more  psychological  conceptions  of  Pestalozzi  and 
to  those  afterward  formulated  by  Froebel  and  Herbart. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  Sources 

*Bell,  A.  An  Experiment  in  Education. 

*Lancaster,  J.  British  System  of  Education  and  Improvements  in 
Education . 

II.  Authorities 

*  Ad  ams,  F.  History  of  the  Elementary  School  Contest  in  England. 
Pp.  44-64- 

*Barnard,  H.  American  Journal  of  Education.'  Vol.  X,  pp.  323- 
531- 

Bartley,  G.  C.  T.  The  Schools  for  the  People;  History ,  Develop¬ 
ment,  and  Present  Condition.  Pp.  50-51  and  60-61. 

Bourne,  W.  O.  History  of  the  Public  School  Society  of  the  City  of 
New  York.  Pp.  9-20,  32,  17 2-1 73,  and  687-698. 

Fitch,  J.  G.  Educational  Aims  and  Methods.  Lect.  XI. 

*Gill,  J.  Systems  of  Education.  Pp.  162-202. 


but  disap¬ 
peared  when 
educational 
sentiment 
improved. 


248  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Gregory,  R.  Elementary  Education. 

Holman,  H.  English  National  Education.  Chap.  II. 

Leitch,  J.  Practical  Educationalists  and  their  Systems.  Pp.  121- 
165. 

*Meiklejohn,  J.  M.  D.  An  Old  Educational  Reformer,  Dr. 
Andrew  Bell. 

Oliver,  H.  K.  Advantages  and  Defects  of  the  Monitorial  System 
of  Instruction. 

Randall,  S.  S.  History  of  the  Common  School  System  of  the 
State  of  New  York.  Pp.  28-32. 

Ross,  G.  W.  The  Schools  of  England  and  Germany.  Chap.  II. 
*Sadler,  M.  E.,  and  Edwards,  J.  W.  Summary  of  Statistics, 
Regulations ,  etc.,  of  Elementary  Education,  England  and  Wales 
(. English  Education  Department,  Special  Reports,  Vol.  II,  pp. 
436-544). 

^Salmon,  D.  Joseph  Lancaster. 

*Sharpless,  I.  English  Education.  Pp.  1-8. 

Southey,  R.  and  C.  C.  The  Life  of  the  Rev.  Andrew  Bell. 
Spalding,  T.  A.  The  Work  of  the  London  School  Board.  Pp.  13-14. 
Steiner,  B.  C.  History  of  Education  in  Maryland.  Pp.  57-62. 
Stockwall,  T.  B.  History  of  Public  Education  in  Rhode  Island. 
Pp.  254-294. 

Wickersham,  J.  P.  History  of  Education  in  Pennsylvania.  Pp. 
254-285. 

Wightman,  J.  M.  Annals  of  the  Boston  Primary  School  Com¬ 
mittee.  Pp.  35-116. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


HORACE  MANN^AND  THE  AMERICAN 
EDUCATIONAL  REVIVAL 


The  close  of  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century 
was  distinguished  by  a  remarkable  revival  in  educa¬ 
tion  throughout  the  United  States.  This  awakening 
began  and  centered  in  Massachusetts,  and  was  greatly 
strengthened  by  the  leadership  and  efforts  of  Horace 
Mann.  To  appreciate  the  underlying  causes,  one  must, 
therefore,  learn  something  of  the  life  and  purposes  of 
this  great  American  educator. 


The  Early  Career  of  Horace  Mann 


Horace  Mann  (1796-1859)  was  born  on  a  small  farm 
in  Franklin,  Massachusetts.  His  parents  were  plain 
people,  but  of  superior  mental  capacity  and  consider¬ 
able  strength  of  character,  and  the  little  town  in  which 
he  grew  up  also  furnished  an  environment  of  unusually 
high  ideals  in  intelligence  and  morals.  The  hard  con¬ 
ditions  of  New  England  farm  life  and  the  early  loss  of 


The  paren¬ 
tage  and 
training  of 
Horace 
Mann  tended 
to  cultivate 
in  him  indus¬ 
try,  initia¬ 
tive,  and  a 
reverence 
for  knowl¬ 
edge. 


his  father  fixed  in  him  lifelong  habits  of  industry,  initia¬ 


tive,  and  responsibility.  While  the  school  training  of 


the  day  was  meager  and  circumscribed,  he  learned  in 
his  boyhood  to  love  nature  and  her  handiwork,  and  ac- 


249 


2 so  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


quired  a  reverence  for  knowledge  and  books.  He  also 
secured  much  instruction  and  intellectual  enrichment 


from  the  small  library  of  his  native  town.1  While  he 

reacted  most  strongly  from  the  stern,  uncompromising 

> 

Calvinism  of  the  religious  life  of  the  times,  it  inculcated 
in  him  a  faith  in  God  and  a  subordination  of  his  moral 


After  gradua¬ 
tion  from 
college, 
and  two 
years  as  a 
tutor, 

Mann  stud¬ 
ied  law,  and 
soon  became 
a  legislator. 


nature  to  the  higher  law,  and  he  obtained  through  its 
system  a  remarkable  drill  in  logic.  At  the  age  of  twenty, 
young  Mann  happened  upon  a  brilliant  preparatory 
teacher,  and  was  speedily  fitted  to  enter  the  sophomore 
class  of  Brown  University  in  the  fall  of  the  same  year, 
tie  was  graduated  in  1819  at  the  head  of  his  class,  and 
was  shortly  afterward  engaged  for  two  years  as  a  tutor 
in  Latin  and  Greek  at  his  alma  mater.  After  demon¬ 


strating  extraordinary  ability  as  a  classical  scholar  and 
teacher,  and  concluding,  far  in  advance  of  his  times, 
that  the  natural  sciences  were  much  superior  in  content 
and  discipline  to  the  classics,  he  turned  his  attention  to 
the  study  of  law2  as  a  profession  and  of  metaphysics 


1  This  library  was  presented  to  the  town  by  Benjamin  Franklin,  for 
whom  the  place  was  named.  He  requested  his  friend,  Dr.  Richard  Price 
of  London,  to  purchase  to  the  amount  of  twenty-five  pounds  such  books 
as  would  foster  sound  religion  and  government. 

2  Mann  studied  at  the  famous  law  school  of  Judge  Gould  in  Litchfield, 
Connecticut,  which,  during  its  existence  of  less  than  half  a  century,  gradu¬ 
ated  sixteen  United  States  senators,  fifty  members  of  Congress,  five 
cabinet  officers,  several  foreign  ministers,  and  innumerable  justices  of  the 
federal  and  higher  state  courts. 


MANN  AND  THE  EDUCATIONAL  REVIVAL  251 


as  an  avocation.  As  a  practitioner  he  impressed  every 
one  with  his  conscientiousness 1  as  much  as  with  his 
knowledge  of  the  law  and  his  logic  and  eloquence. 
Before  long  he  entered  the  political  arena,  and  served 
the  state  in  the  Lower  House  for  six  years  (1827-1833) 
and  in  the  Senate  for  four  more  (1833-1837),  the  last 
two  of  which  he  was  president  of  the  body.  A  brilliant 
career  as  a  statesman  lay  before  him,  but  he  retired  at 
the  age  of  forty-one  to  accept  the  secretaryship  of  the 
newly  created  State  Board  of  Education.  Through  that 
office,  however,  he  was  destined  to  elevate  education 
not  only  in  Massachusetts;  but  through  all  the  Union. 

His  Fitness  for  the  Secretaryship  of  the  State  Board 

of  Education 

Horace  Mann’s  equipment  for  this,  his  real  work  in 
life,  will  readily  be  perceived.  By  heredity  and  early 
training  he  was  suffused  with  an  interest  in  humanity 
and  all  phases  of  philanthropy.  This  manifested  itself 
preeminently  in  his  efforts  in  behalf  of  education,  al¬ 
though  he  was  always  an  ardent  worker  for  the  cause 
of  charity,  the  kindly  treatment  of  defectives  and 

1  The  heterodoxy  of  Mann  kept  him  from  the  ministry,  the  most 
natural  agency  for  social  reform  in  those  times,  but  he  seems  to  have  gone 
into  law  with  a  similar  spirit.  “Never  espouse  the  wrong  side  of  a  cause 
knowingly,”  he  wrote  later  to  a  young  lawyer,  “and  if  unwittingly  you  find 
yourself  on  the  wrong  side,  leap  out  as  quickly  as  you  would  jump  out  of  a 
vat  of  boiling  brimstone.”  See  Livingston’s  American  Portrait  Gallery , 
p.  196, 


At  forty-one 
he  retired 
from  politics, 
to  become 
secretary  of 
the  new 
Massachu¬ 
setts  Board 
of  Education. 


He  was 
ideally 
equipped  for 
educational 
reform,  and 
entered  upon 
the  office 
with  devo¬ 
tion. 


252  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


dependents,1  temperance,  anti-slavery,  and  all  other 
forms  of  social  improvement.  An  ardent  belief  in  what 
he  continually  termed  ‘the  improvability  of  man’  is 
shown  in  all  his  college  orations 2  and  early  public 
speeches,  and  his  optimistic  views  were  strengthened  by 
reading  the  Constitution  of  Man  by  George  Combe 3  and 
his  later  companionship  with  that  high-minded  exponent 
of  phrenology.  Mann’s  early  potentiality  had  been 
further  rendered  actual  and  shaped  by  the  best  educa¬ 
tion  available,  by  constant  reading  and  thinking,  and  by 
experience  in  writing  and  speaking  and  in  practicing 
and  making  law.  He  may  well  be  judged  oversanguine 
in  his  faith  in  knowledge  and  education  as  the  means 
of  social  advancement,  and  it  may  be  that  he  under¬ 
estimated  the  inertia  of  custom,  habit,  and  institutions; 
but  just  such  an  enthusiasm  and  consecration  as  his 
were  essential  for  the  prodigious  reforms  that  were  to 
be  undertaken.  He  certainly  possessed  a  remarkable 
combination  of  intelligence,  courage,  and  experience  for 
leadership  in  this  direction.  The  law  proposed  for  the 
new  Board  of  Education  numerous  duties  in  the  way 
of  collecting  and  spreading  information  concerning  the 
common  schools  and  of  making  suggestions  for  the 

1  The  greatest  service  in  this  direction  was  his  aggressive  advocacy  of 
the  establishment  of  the  Insane  Hospital  at  Worcester  by  the  legislature. 

2  His  graduation  address  at  Brown  was  on  The  Gradual  Advancement 

of  the  Human  Species  in  Dignity  and  Happiness.  3  See  footnote  on  p.  267. 


MANN  AND  THE  EDUCATIONAL  REVIVAL  253 


improvement  and  extension  of  public  education,  but  it 
provided  no  real  powers.  It  was  obvious  that  the  per¬ 
manence  and  influence  of  the  Board  would  have  to 
depend  almost  wholly  upon  the  intelligence  and  force  of 
character  of  its  secretary,  and  the  peculiar  fitness  of 
Mann  can  alone  account  for  his  selection.  By  reason 
of  his  efforts  in  behalf  of  educational  reform,  his  per¬ 
sistent  advocacy  of  the  bill  as  a  member  of  the  legisla¬ 
ture,  and  his  undoubted  merits  as  an  educator,  a  school¬ 
master  named  James  G.  Carter  would  seem  to  have 
been  the  logical  man  for  the  secretaryship.  The 
teachers  of  the  state  were  bitterly  disappointed  that 
one  outside  their  number  should  have  been  preferred, 
but  it  would  now  appear  that  the  choice  of  a  broad¬ 
minded  and  philanthropic  statesman  was  most  wise. 
Mann,  moreover,  did  not  seek  the  place,  and  the  sur¬ 
render  of  a  fairly  lucrative  practice  and  an  assured 
career  for  the  mere  pittance  and  the  uncertainty  of  the 
secretaryship  was  no  small  sacrifice.  Yet  his  only  hesi¬ 
tation  was  as  to  his  qualifications  for  ‘  filling  this  high  and 
responsible  office/  and  his  zeal  to  ‘  adequately  perform  its 
duties.’  Having  accepted  the  responsibility,  he  wrote  the 
governor  that  “so  long  as  I  hold  this  office,  I  devote  myself 
to  the  supremest  welfare  of  mankind  upon  earth,”  and, 
closing  his  law  office,  he  made  the  memorable  declaration : 

“The  interests  of  a  client  are  small  compared  with  the  interests  of 
the  next  generation.  Let  the  next  generation,  then,  be  my  client.” 


254  great  educators  of  three  centuries 


His  Labors  in  Reforming  Education 


His  chief 
means  of 
arousing  the 
people  and 
improving 
education 
were  his 
campaigns 
through  the 
state, 


I 


During  the  next  twelve  years,  as  secretary  of  the 
State  Board,  Horace  Mann  subserved  the  interests  of 
his  accepted  client  most  faithfully.  Educational  ideals 
were  in  sad  need  of  expansion  and  democratization,  and 
school  organization,  curricula,  and  methods  called  for 
enlargement  and  a  complete  modernization.  To  awaken 
the  people,  the  new  secretary  at  once  started  upon  an 
educational  campaign  through  the  state,  and  during 
each  year  of  his  tenure  he  made  an  annual  circuit  for 
this  purpose.  At  first  the  reception  given  him  was 
cold  and  spiritless ;  often  after  a  hard  journey  he  found 
but  a  handful  of  an  audience,  and  upon  one  occasion  he 
had  even  to  sweep  out  the  room  himself  and  put  it  in 
order.1  Keenly  as  he  felt  this  want  of  appreciation, 
nothing  could  daunt  him,  and  these  annual  visits  gradu¬ 
ally  grew  in  interest  and  enthusiasm,  and  eventually  he 
came  to  meet  almost  with  ovations.  Besides  the  regu¬ 
lar  trips,  Mann  held  himself  subject  to  calls  from 
everywhere,  within  the  state  and  out,  for  educational 
meetings,  lectures,  and  addresses ;  and  when,  after 
seven  years,  teachers’  institutes  were  introduced  into 


1  It  was  at  Pittsfield  that  he  found  this  lack  of  preparation,  and  Gov¬ 
ernor  Briggs  assisted  him  in  his  janitorial  duties.  After  a  meeting  in 
Northampton  he  declared :  “  I  have  found  so  large  a  mountain,  there  is 
danger  that  I  shall  break  my  own  neck  in  trying  to  lift  it.” 


MANN  AND  THE  EDUCATIONAL  REVIVAL  255 


Massachusetts,  he  constantly  served  as  an  efficient  lec¬ 
turer  and  instructor. 

An  even  more  effective  means  of  disseminating  Mann’s 
reforms  was  found  in  the  series  of  Annual  Reports 
which  he  issued  from  the  first,  and  in  the  publication  of 
his  Common  School  Journal ,  begun  in  the  second  year  of 
his  administration.  The  Reports  were  by  law  to  give 
information  concerning  existing  conditions  and  the 
progress  made  in  the  efficiency  of  public  education 
each  year,  and  to  discuss  the  most  approved  organiza¬ 
tion,  content,  and  methods  for  the  common  schools,  in 
order  to  create  and  guide  public  opinion  most  intelli¬ 
gently.  The  material  in  these  documents  fills  one 
thousand  pages  of  Mann’s  collected  Works.  It  exhibits 
the  great  benefits  to  the  state  and  the  individual  of  a 
public  school  training.  While  practically  every  educa¬ 
tional  topic  of  importance  at  the  time  is  dealt  with,  his 
suggestions  as  a  whole  maintain  a  definite  point  of 
view  and  a  connected  body  of  practical  doctrine.  Some¬ 
times  they  seem  commonplace,  but  it  must  be  remem¬ 
bered  that  they  were  not  so  then,  and  that  the  work  of 
Mann  did  much  to  render  them  familiar.  The  last 

report  contains  a  summary  of  what  he  had  endeavored 

\ 

to  accomplish  and  shows  how  all  his  criticism  of  the 
schools  had  been  undertaken  as  a  conscientious  duty 
and  with  a  full  realization  of  what  the  consequences  to 
himself  would  be.  The  Reports  were  frequently  written 


his  Annual 
Reports  to 
the  State 
Board, 


I 


his  semi¬ 
monthly 
Common 
School 
Journal , 


25 6  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 

hastily  and  are  sometimes  poorly  arranged,  illogical, 
and  exaggerated;  but  the  style  was  always  forceful  and 
animated,  and  often  fervid  and  eloquent.  They  are 
the  most  important  and  enduring  of  his  writings,  and 
will  ever  be  regarded  as  educational  classics.  While 
addressed  to  the  State  Board,  they  were  really  intended 
for  the  citizens  of  Massachusetts  in  general,  and  their 
influence  was  felt  far  beyond  the  confines  of  the  state. 
They  vitally  affected  school  conditions  everywhere  in 
New  England,  and  were  read  with  great  interest  in  all 
parts  of  the  United  States,  and  even  in  Europe.  An 
issue  of  eighteen  thousand  copies  of  one  report  was 
made  for  free  distribution  by  act  of  the  New  York 
legislature,  another  was  reprinted  in  Great  Britain,  and 
Germany  translated  and  distributed  editions  of  several. 

The  Common  School  Journal ,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
issued  semi-monthly  and  consisted  of  sixteen  pages  to 
each  number.  It  was  devoted  to  spreading  information 
concerning  school  improvement,  school  law,  and  the  pro¬ 
ceedings  of  the  State  Board,  and  it  urged  upon  school 
officials,  parents,  and  children  their  duties  toward  health, 
morals,  and  intelligence.  This  publication,  which  was 
continued  by  Mann  during  the  whole  of  his  administra¬ 
tion,  laid  him  under  the  necessity  of  much  writing  him¬ 
self  and  of  securing  contributions  from  other  educators. 

A  medium  somewhat  akin  to  Mann’s  publications  in 
the  improvement  of  educational  facilities  was  his  general 


MANN  AND  THE  EDUCATIONAL  REVIVAL  257 


establishment  of  school  libraries  throughout  Massa¬ 
chusetts.  This  the  reformer  brought  to  pass  in  a  large 
number  of  towns  and  school  districts  through  a  sub¬ 
sidy  from  the  state.  The  first  impulse  was  given  these 
institutions  in  1838;  and  while  the  enthusiasm  for  their 
creation  and  use  lasted  only  five  years,  they  were  pro¬ 
ductive  of  an  immense  amount  of  good  in  creating  a 
taste  for  proper  reading  and  in  democratizing  educa¬ 
tion. 

But  probably  the  most  permanent  means  of  stimu¬ 
lating  the  revival  and  propagating  the  reforms  led  by 
Horace  Mann  was  the  foundation  by  Massachusetts  of 
the  first  public 1  normal  schools  in  this  country.  A 
devoted  friend  of  Mann 2  offered  to  donate  ten  thou¬ 
sand  dollars  for  this  purpose,  in  case  the  state  would 
supply  a  like  amount.  This  generous  proposal  was 
accepted  by  the  legislature  in  1838.  It  was  decided  to 
found  three  schools,  so  located  that  all  parts  of  the 


his  encour¬ 
agement 
of  school 
libraries, 


and  his  es¬ 
tablishment 
of  the  first 
three  state 
normal 
schools. 


1  James  G.  Carter  established  a  short-lived  normal  institution  in  1821  at 
Lancaster,  Massachusetts,  and  the  Rev.  Samuel  R.  Hall  conducted  schools 
of  this  character  in  Vermont  at  Concord  (1823-1830),  Andover  (1830- 
1837),  and  Plymouth  (1837-1840)  ;  but  the  normals  founded  through 
Mann  were  the  first  under  state  auspices.  See  Dexter,  History  of  Edu¬ 
cation  in  the  United  States ,  pp.  373  ff. 

2  Edmund  Dwight,  the  member  of  the  Board  who  had  been  most  in¬ 
strumental  in  bringing  about  the  selection  of  Mann,  and  afterward  as¬ 
sisted  the  work  of  the  Board  by  gifts  on  several  occasions  and  by  supple¬ 
ments  to  Mann’s  salary,  made  this  offer  anonymously. 


258  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


He  lavished 
time  and 
strength 
upon  his 
work  with 
totally  in¬ 
adequate 
compensa¬ 
tion. 


state  might  be  equally  served.1  Although  the  name 
‘ normal’  was  borrowed  from  France,  the  curriculum  and 
methods  of  these  institutions  were  largely  influenced  by 
those  prevailing  in  the  ‘ seminaries’  for  teachers  in 
Prussia.2  The  course  consisted  in  a  review  of  the  com¬ 
mon  branches  from  the  teaching  point  of  view,  work  in 
educational  theory,  and  training  in  a  practice  school 
under  supervision.  Despite  the  hostility  of  conserva¬ 
tives,  incompetent  teachers,  and  sectarian  dogmatists 
everywhere  in  the  state,  the  schools,  while  not  largely 
attended,  were  a  great  success  from  the  start,  and  have 
been  of  immense  service  in  raising  the  standard  of 
teaching  in  Massachusetts  and  through  New  England.3 

The  arduous  and  unremitting  labors  of  Mann  in 
instituting  and  promoting  the  various  means  of  school 
reform  must  have  made  the  greatest  inroad  upon  his 
time  and  strength.  His  correspondence  alone,  in  a  day 
before  the  general  use  of  stenography,  typewriting,  or 
even  fountain  pens,  is  estimated  to  have  averaged  thirty 
or  forty  letters  a  day.  It  is  known  that  during  his 


1  One  school  was  to  be  in  the  northeast,  another  in  the  southeast,  and 
the  third  in  the  less  populated  west.  The  first,  located  at  Lexington,  was 
afterward  removed,  first  to  West  Newton,  and  then  to  Framingham;  the 
second,  started  at  Barre,  was  later  taken  to  Westfield ;  but  the  third  has 
always  been  situated  at  Bridgewater. 

2  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition,  pp.  304  f. 

3  Much  of  the  success  and  influence  of  the  schools  was  due  to  the  happy 
selection  of  the  Rev.  Cyrus  Pierce  for  the  first  principalship. 


MANN  AND  THE  EDUCATIONAL  REVIVAL  259 


entire  incumbency  his  work  extended  over  fifteen  hours 
of  each  day,  and  that  he  was  frequently  afflicted  with 
insomnia  for  weeks.1  Moreover,  through  all  this  period, 
his  income  did  not  amount  to  a  living  wage.  While  his 
salary  was  at  length  raised  from  one  thousand  to  fifteen 
hundred  dollars,  no  allowance  was  made  for  running  his 
office  and  but  little  for  traveling  expenses.  He  paid  for 
many  conventions  and  hundreds  of  copies  of  his  Reports 
and  Journal  out  of  his  own  pocket.  As  a  result,  he 
was  at  times  unable  to  purchase  sufficiently  nourishing 
food,  and  only  the  addition  made  to  his  salary  by  a 
wealthy  admirer 2  kept  him  from  want. 

The  Opposition  of  Conservative  Politicians,  Schoolmen, 

and  Theologians 

But  the  most  trying  obstacle  that  the  great  reformer 
had  to  contend  with  was  the  dense  conservatism  and 
bitter  prejudices  often  animating  people  that  he  felt 
ought  to  have  eagerly  supported  him  in  his  herculean 
efforts.  The  Board  and  its  secretary  were  for  years 
violently  assailed  by  sordid  politicians,  unprogressive 
schoolmen,  and  sectarian  preachers.  Attempts  were 
early  made  in  the  legislature  to  abolish  the  Board  of 

1  When  we  remember  that,  as  a  consequence  of  overwork  on  the 
farm  and  in  college,  Mann  was  a  ‘lifelong  invalid,’  and  that,  owing  to  his 
official  toil  and  want  of  sleep,  his  brain  often  *  flamed  like  a  brush-pile  on  a 
distant  heath  in  the  wind,’  the  greatness  of  this  conquest  of  mind  over 
matter  can  be  somewhat  realized.  2  See  footnote  2  on  p.  257. 


He  was  bit¬ 
terly  op¬ 
posed  by  all 
conserva¬ 
tives,  — 


politicians, 


260  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


Boston 
school  prin¬ 
cipals. 


Education  or  to  have  its  duties  and  powers  transferred 
to  the  governor  and  council,  but  after  a  fierce  fight 
this  type  of  opposition  ceased. 

Mann’s  controversy  with  the  Boston  schoolmasters 
was  also  sharp,  but  decisive.  His  Seventh  Annual  Report 
(1843)  gave  an  account  of  his  visit  to  foreign  schools, 
especially  those  of  Germany,  and  praised  with  great 
warmth  the  instruction  without  textbooks,  the  enthu¬ 
siastic  teachers,  the  absence  of  artificial  rivalry,  and  the 
mild  discipline  in  the  Prussian  system.  The  report  did 
not  stigmatize  the  conservatism  of  the  Boston  schools 
or  bring  them  into  comparison  with  those  of  Berlin, 
but  the  cap  fitted  only  too  well.  The  pedagogues 
were  seriously  disquieted,  and  proceeded  to  answer  most 
savagely.  Although  not  all  the  Boston  teachers  were 
opposed  to  the  new  order  of  things,  the  Principals’ 
Association  through  a  committee  of  thirty-one  joined 
battle  by  issuing  their  Remarks  on  the  Seventh  Annual 
Report  of  Hon.  Horace  Mann.  This  was  a  pamphlet  of 
one  hundred  and  forty-four  pages,  which  undertook  to 
vindicate  the  historic  educational  system  of  Massachu¬ 
setts,  and  to  discredit  the  normal  schools,  libraries, 
methods,  discipline,  and  other  features  of  the  new 
regime.  The  secretary  straightway  made  a  Reply  of 
even  greater  length,  and  when  they  returned  to  the 
charge  with  a  Rejoinder ,  he  soon  had  an  Answer  ready. 
While  much  in  Mann’s  pamphlets  is  unfair,  weak  in 


MANN  AND  THE  EDUCATIONAL  REVIVAL  261 


argument,  and  unnecessarily  severe,  he  had  been  un¬ 
justly  and  deeply  wounded,  and  in  the  main  was  felt 
to  be  right.  When  the  smoke  of  battle  had  cleared 
away,  it  was  seen  that  the  leaders  of  the  old  order  had 
been  completely  routed  and  had  wrought  their  own 
destruction.1 

A  more  insidious  attack  upon  the  broad-minded 
reformer  was  that  led  by  the  ultra-orthodox.  The  old 
schools  of  the  Puritans  with  their  dogmatic  religious 
teaching  had  been  steadily  fading  away  some  time  before 
the  new  Board  had  been  inaugurated,  but  the  educa¬ 
tional  revival  of  Mann  made  this  fact  patent  for  the 
first  time.  There  was,  in  consequence,  a  tendency  upon 
the  part  of  many  conscientious  but  narrow  people  to 
charge  this  disappearance  to  the  reformer,  whose  liberal 
attitude  in  religion  was  well  known.  Others  took  ad¬ 
vantage  of  the  popular  clamor  to  vent  upon  Board  and 
secretary  the  spleen  which  for  various  reasons  they  had 
accumulated  against  them.  The  assault,  which  cul¬ 
minated  with  articles  in  the  sectarian  press  and  with 
polemic  sermons,  was  vigorously  and  successfully  re- 

1  In  fact,  the  prominence  that  this  controversy  gave  him  as  the  apostle 
of  reform  was  the  making  of  Mann’s  reputation  as  a  great  educator. 
We  have,  in  consequence,  been  prone  to  forget,  in  our  admiration  of  his 
lofty  character,  strong  determination,  and  great  devotion  that  Mann  was 
not  the  only  prominent  educational  leader  of  the  times,  and  that  men  like 
Carter  were  in  the  field  long  before  him,  and  that  Barnard  served  the 
cause  of  the  common  schools  for  half  a  century  afterward. 


and  the 
ultra¬ 
orthodox. 


262  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


pelled  by  the  secretary  and  others,  including  many  of 
the  more  sensible  orthodox  people.  Mann  throughout 
the  contest  consistently  maintained  that  the  Bible 
should  be  read  in  the  public  schools,  but  without  com¬ 
ment,  and  thus  became  the  first  educator  of  prominence 
to  attempt  an  adjustment  of  the  relations  of  state  and 
church. 


His  After  Life  in  Congress  and  at  Antioch  College 


After  a 
dozen 
years  of 
service  he 
retired  and 
entered 
Congress, 
and  later 
undertook 
the  presi¬ 
dency  of 
Antioch 
College. 


In  1848  Mann  resigned  the  secretaryship  of  the 
Board  to  enter  Congress  as  an  eloquent  opponent  to  the 
extension  of  slavery.1  While  his  subsequent  life  reveals 
the  same  high  moral  and  philanthropic  principles,  his 
efforts  after  leaving  the  secretaryship  do  not  especially 
concern  us  here.  In  1853  retired  from  active  politics, 
and,  in  the  hope  of  furthering  certain  advanced  ideals 
that  he  held  for  higher  education,  he  undertook  the 
presidency  of  Antioch  College  at  Yellow  Springs,  Ohio. 
The  strain  of  building  up  the  new  institution,  in  addi¬ 
tion  to  exhausting  labors  for  many  years,  resulted  in 
his  death  at  the  age  of  sixty-three.  Until  the  end  he 
reasoned  earnestly  with  those  he  had  summoned  for 
counsel  to  his  deathbed  concerning  Truth,  God,  man, 
and  duty.’ 


1  After  a  most  insistent  demand  on  the  part  of  his  fellow-citizens,  he 
entered  Congress  to  fill  out  the  unexpired  term  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  and 
was  twice  reelected. 


MANN  AND  THE  EDUCATIONAL  REVIVAL  263 


Mann’s  Educational  Ideals 

Thus  passed  a  great  soul  whose  influence  would  have 
been  felt  in  any  line  of  humanitarian  endeavor,  but  whom 
circumstances  led  to  perform  his  greatest  services  for 
the  common  schools.  His  general  positions  and  specific 
recommendations  concerning  education  may  easily  be 
gathered  from  his  Lectures ,  Reports ,  and  Common  School 
Journal.  A  brief  interpretative  summary  may  give 
some  idea  of  their  purport  and  range.  First  and  fore¬ 
most  he  held  that  education  should  be  universal  and 
free.  “I  believe,”  he  says,  “in  the  existence  of  a  great 
immortal,  immutable  principle  of  natural  law,  a  prin¬ 
ciple  of  divine  origin,  clearly  legible  in  the  ways  of 
Providence  —  the  absolute  right  to  an  education  of 
every  human  being  that  comes  into  the  world.”  Girls 
should  be  trained  as  well  as  boys,  and  the  poor  should 
have  the  same  opportunities  as  the  rich.  Public  schools 
should  afford  education  of  such  a  quality  that  the 
wealthy  would  not  patronize  private  institutions  because 
of  their  superiority.  And  as  Mann’s  reforms  advanced, 
he  took  great  pride  in  the  fact  that  “more  and  more  of 
the  children  of  the  Commonwealth  are  educated  together 
under  the  same  roof,  on  the  same  seats,  with  the  same 
encouragement,  rewards,  punishments,  and  to  the  ex¬ 
clusion  of  adventitious  and  artificial  distinctions.” 


Horace 
Mann  be¬ 
lieved  in  a 
universal 
and  free 
education  of 
the  highest 
order. 


264  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


The  chief 
aim  of  this 
education 
should  be 
moral  char¬ 
acter  and 
social  effi¬ 
ciency. 


The  material 
equipment  of 
the  schools 
should  re¬ 
ceive  careful 
attention. 


This  universal  education,  however,  should  have  as  its 
chief  aim  moral  character  and  social  efficiency,  and  not 
mere  erudition,  culture,  and  accomplishments.  “No 
amount  of  intellectual  attainments/’  in  Mann’s  judg¬ 
ment,  “can  afford  a  guaranty  for  the  moral  rectitude  of 
the  possessor.”  But  while  the  public  school  should 
cultivate  a  moral  and  religious  spirit,  this  could  not  be 
accomplished,  he  felt,  by  inculcating  sectarian  doctrines. 
The  main  objection  urged  to  the  private  school  system 
in  his  First  Report  was  its  tendency  “to  assimilate  our 
modes  of  education  to  those  of  England,  where  Church¬ 
men  and  Dissenters,  each  sect  according  to  its  creed, 
maintain  separate  schools  in  which  children  are  taught 
from  their  tenderest  years  to  wield  the  sword  of  polem¬ 
ics  with  fatal  dexterity;  and  where  the  Gospel,  in¬ 
stead  of  being  a  temple  of  peace,  is  converted  into  an 
armory  of  deadly  weapons  for  social  interminable  war¬ 
fare.” 

His  Improvement  of  Material  Equipment  and  of 

Methods 

This  practical  reformer  likewise  gave  much  attention 
to  the  material  side  of  education.  He  declared  that 
school  buildings  should  be  well  constructed  and  sanitary. 
This  matter  seemed  to  him  so  important  that  he  wrote 
a  special  report  upon  the  subject  during  his  first  year 
in  office.  He  carefully  discussed  the  proper  plans  for 


MANN  AND  THE  EDUCATIONAL  REVIVAL  265 


rooms,  ventilation,  lighting,  seating,  and  other  school- 
house  features,  and  insisted  that  the  inadequate  and 
squalid  conditions  that  were  existing  should  be  im¬ 
proved.  In  his  Fourth  Report  also  he  considered  many 
of  the  physical  evils,  especially  those  arising  from  pupils 
of  all  ages  being  in  the  same  room.  He  found  that  in 
many  cases  this  was  the  result  of  a  multiplication  of 
districts,  and  suggested  union  schools  or  consolidation  as 
a  remedy. 

Instruction  in  the  schools,  he  maintained,  should  be 
based  upon  scientific  principles,  and  not  authority  and 
tradition.  “Some  teachers,”  said  he,  “will  teach  only 
from  the  books  from  which  they  themselves  learned. 
This  would  create  an  hereditary  descent  of  books,  and 
the  line  would  be  immortal.”  And  elsewhere  he  insists, 
“No  one  is  so  poor  in  resources  for  difficult  emergencies 
as  they  may  arise  as  he  whose  knowledge  of  methods  is 
limited  to  the  one  by  which  he  happened  to  be  in¬ 
structed.”  Pestalozzi’s  inductive  method  of  teaching 
received  his  approval,  for  he  felt  that  the  pupils  should 
be  introduced  at  first-hand  to  the  facts  of  the  humani¬ 
ties  and  sciences.  The  work  should  be  guided  by  able 
teachers,  who  had  been  trained  in  a  normal  school,  and 
should  be  imparted  in  a  spirit  of  mildness  and  kindness 
through  an  understanding  of  child  nature.  The  teachers, 
who  should  be  men  as  well  as  women,  ought  also  to 
supplement  their  training  and  experience  by  frequent 


The  methods 
should  be 
scientific, 
and  the 
teachers 
should  be 
trained. 


He  favored 
Pestalozzi’s 
inductive 
method. 


266  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


The  studies 
should  be 
adapted  to 
practical 
needs. 


He  over¬ 
emphasized 
bookkeeping 
and  physiol¬ 
ogy. 


gathering  in  associations  and  institutes  for  mutual  im¬ 
provement  and  instruction. 


His  Emphasis  upon  Practical  Studies 

In  the  matter  of  the  studies  to  be  pursued,  Mann 
was  inclined  toward  the  practical,  and  held  that  educa¬ 
tional  values  and  the  natural  order  were  often  neglected. 
In  his  Sixth  Report  he  inquires :  — 

“Can  any  satisfactory  ground  be  assigned  why  algebra,  a 
branch  which  not  one  man  in  a  thousand  ever  has  occasion  to  use 
in  the  business  of  life,  should  be  studied  by  more  than  twenty- 
three  hundred  pupils,  and  bookkeeping,  which  every  man,  even 
the  day  laborer,  should  understand,  should  be  attended  to  by 
only  a  little  more  than  half  that  number?  Among  farmers  and 
roadmakers,  why  should  geometry  take  the  precedence  of  sur¬ 
veying;  and  among  seekers  after  intellectual  and  moral  truth, 
why  should  rhetoric  have  double  the  followers  of  logic?’’ 

Similarly,  he  holds  that  of  all  subjects,  except  the 
rudiments,  physiology  should  receive  the  most  atten¬ 
tion,  and  he  writes  an  extended  essay  upon  its  use  and 
value.  He  exaggerates  the  importance  of  this  subject, 
possibly  as  a  result  of  his  devotion  to  phrenology ; 1 
and  in  his  whole  espousal  of  subjects  that  will  prepare 
for  concrete  living,  he  seems  very  close  to  Spencer’s  test 
of  “what  knowledge  is  of  the  most  worth.”  2 


1  See  footnote  on  p.  267. 


2  See  pp.  275  ff. 


MANN  AND  THE  EDUCATIONAL  REVIVAL  267 


His  Missionary  Spirit  and  Its  Achievements 

In  order  that  these  various  ideals  might  be  realized, 
Mann  insisted  frequently  that  the  state  should  spare  no 
labor  or  expense.  “A  patriot,”  to  his  mind,  “is  known 
by  the  interest  he  takes  in  the  common  schools.”  But 
in  a  republic  he  felt  that  “education  can  never  be  at¬ 
tained  without  the  consent  of  the  whole  people.  Com¬ 
pulsion,  even  if  it  were  desirable,  is  not  an  available 
instrument.  Enlightenment,  not  coercion,  is  our  re¬ 
source.  The  nature  of  education  must  be  explained.” 
Or,  as  he  declares  elsewhere,  “All  improvements  in  the 
school  suppose  and  require  a  corresponding  and  simul¬ 
taneous  improvement  in  public  sentiment.”  It  was 
such  an  elevation  of  ideals,  effort,  and  expenditure  that 
Horace  Mann  sought,  and  for  which  he  began  his  great 
crusade.  He  was  a  man  of  action,  and  not  a  philosopher. 
He  had  no  deep  thoughts  on  the  problems  of  education, 
and  not  much  insight  into  its  nature  beyond  a  dim 
notion  gained  from  phrenology  1  that  there  were  certain 
great  Taws’  in  man’s  nature  which  would  furnish  a 
plan  for  education  and  moral  reform.  Most  of  his  im- 

1  Phrenology  was  a  reputable  science  in  Mann’s  day.  Such  persons 
as  Gall,  Spurzheim,  Combe,  and,  later,  O.  S.  Fowler,  show  the  standing 
of  the  subject  then.  Their  theory  of  a  localization  of  brain  functions 
is  now  accepted  by  psychology  in  a  general  way,  just  as  their  contention 
that  the  amount  of  capacity  in  a  given  direction  can  be  determined  by 
measuring  is  generally  rejected. 


Mann  was 
not  an 
educational 
philosopher, 
but  an  edu¬ 
cational 
missionary. 


268  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


His  achieve¬ 
ments  were 
remarkable, 
—  he  doubled 
the  appro¬ 
priations  for 
public  edu¬ 
cation;  he 
increased 
the  number 
and  salary  of 
the  teachers, 
the  length 
of  the  school 
year,  and  the 
opportunities 
for  secondary 
education ; 
and  brought 
about  skilled 
supervision 
and  profes¬ 
sional  train¬ 
ing. 


pulse  was  the  direct  result  of  his  intense  moral  earnest¬ 
ness,  to  which  his  intellect  was  always  subordinate. 
But  it  was  just  this  characteristic  that  was  needed  to 
achieve  the  reforms  he  desired,  and  it  alone  accounts 
for  the  number  of  practical  results  accomplished  by 
Mann. 

His  actual  achievements  cover  a  wide  range.  During 
the  twelve  years  of  his  secretaryship  the  appropriations 
made  for  public  education  in  Massachusetts  were  more 
than  doubled.  Through  this  rise  in  enthusiasm  for 

-  sytr- - 

public  education,  the  proportion  of  expenditure  for 
private  schools  in  the  state  was  reduced  from  seventy- 
five  to  thirty-six  per  cent  of  the  total  cost  of  schools. 
The  salaries  of  masters  in  the  public  schools  were  raised 
sixty- two  per  cent,  and,  although  the  number  of  women 
teachers  had  grown  fifty-four  per  cent,  the  average  of 
their  salaries  was  also  increased  fifty-one  per  cent. 
The  school  attendance  enormously  expanded  both  abso¬ 
lutely  and  relatively  to  the  growth  of  population,  and  a 
full  month  was  added  to  the  average  school  year.  Fifty 
new  high  schools  were  established,  and  the  opportuni¬ 
ties  for  secondary  education,  which  had  been  fading  for 
half  a  century,  were  once  more  opened.  While  the 
time  for  a  full  appreciation  of  skilled  school  superin¬ 
tendents  had  not  yet  arrived,  Mann  saw  the  value  of 
careful  supervision,  and  greatly  increased  its  efficiency 
by  making  the  compensation  of  visiting  committees 


MANN  AND  THE  EDUCATIONAL  REVIVAL  269 


compulsory  by  law.  He  founded  the  first  state  normal 
schools,  and  insisted  that  teachers  not  only  should  have 
training  and  experience,  but  should  constantly  strive  to 
raise  the  tone  of  the  profession  by  attendance  at  teachers’ 
institutes  and  county  associations.  Through  him  the 
idea  of  public  school  libraries  was  started  and  popu¬ 
larized. 

Quite  as  marked  was  the  improvement  effected  by 
Mann  in  the  range  and  serviceability  of  the  school  studies, 
in  textbooks,  methods  of  teaching,  and  discipline.  While 
not  an  educational  theorist  himself,  he  made  practical 
and  brought  into  use  many  of  the  contributions  made 
to  educational  theory  by  others,  and  thereby  anticipated 
many  of  the  features  of  the  so-called  ‘new’  education. 
Through  him  was  introduced  the  word  method  of 
reading  in  place  of  the  uneconomical,  artificial,  and 
ineffective  method  of  the  alphabet.  He  advocated 
object  methods  and  oral  instruction.  By  him  govern¬ 
ment  and  discipline  were  placed  upon  a  rational  basis. 
The  connection  between  physical  and  mental  health 
and  development  was  often  stressed  in  his  writings. 

Effect  of  His  Reforms  upon  Massachusetts  and 

Other  States 

Thus  through  Horace  Mann  the  people  of  Massachu¬ 
setts  renewed  their  faith  in  the  common  schools.  While 
he  was  assisted  by  many  progressive  educators  and 


He  empha¬ 
sized  the 
word  method 
of  reading, 
object  teach¬ 
ing  and  oral 
instruction, 
rational  dis¬ 
cipline,  phys¬ 
ical  develop¬ 
ment,  and 
other  fea¬ 
tures  of  the 
‘new’  educa¬ 
tion. 


Through 
him  the 
schools  of 
Massachu- 


270  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


setts  have 
become  or¬ 
ganized;  and 
the  systems 
in  other 
states  have 
been  central¬ 
ized,  and  have 
caught  his 
enthusiasm 
in  all  direc¬ 
tions. 


teachers  of  the  times  and  a  sympathetic  Board  of  Edu¬ 
cation,  it  was  under  his  immediate  leadership  that  a  prac¬ 
tically  unorganized  set  of  schools,  with  diverse  aims  and 
methods,  was  welded  into  a  well-ordered  system  with 
high  ideals.  The  organization  of  state  school  adminis¬ 
tration  under  the  control  of  a  Board  and  secretary 
proved  to  be  so  efficient  that  until  1908  it  remained  in 
vogue  in  Massachusetts.  Even  now  the  only  change  is 
in  the  way  of  wider  powers  and  centralization  and  the 
recognition  of  the  responsibility  and  dignity  of  the 
executive  officer  by  changing  his  title  to  ‘  state  com¬ 
missioner.  9 1  But  the  influence  of  Horace  Mann’s 
work  was  not  confined  to  Massachusetts.  Through  his 
reports,  addresses,  journal,  and  correspondence,  the  re¬ 
vival  of  common  schools,  which  was  going  on  in  all 
the  neighboring  states,  was  heightened.  Following  the 
example  of  Massachusetts,  the  rest  of  New  England 
began  to  centralize  its  educational  administration,  with 
a  state  board  and  secretary,  as  at  first  in  Connecticut* 
and  in  Maine,  or  with  a  single  official  known  as  a  ‘com¬ 
missioner/  as  in  Rhode  Island  and  New  Hampshire,  or 
‘superintendent  of  schools/  as  later  in  Connecticut  and 
in  Vermont.2  This  organization  and  the  suggestions  of 


1  In  1908,  after  the  state  committee  on  the  investigation  of  industrial 
education  made  its  report,  it  was  merged  in  the  State  Board,  and  provision 
was  made  for  the  appointment  of  a  ‘  commissioner  ’  with  enlarged  powers. 

2  In  this  connection  we  should  not  forget  the  marvelous  work  of  Henry 
Barnard  (1811-1900),  who  had  a  somewhat  similar,  though  longer, 


MANN  AND  THE  EDUCATIONAL  REVIVAL  271 


Mann  proved  most  effective,  and  resulted  in  more  sys¬ 
tematic  reports  and  great  improvements  in  the  training 
of  teachers,  material  equipment,  courses,  textbooks, 
methods,  and  discipline  throughout  New  England. 
Other  states  caught  the  enthusiasm  along  various  lines. 
New  York,  which  had  been  training  its  teachers  through 
facilities  in  some  of  the  academies,  started  a  regular 
normal  school,  greatly  improved  its  supervision,  and 
finally  separated  the  state  superintendency  of  schools 
from  the  office  of  the  secretary  of  state.  Farther  west, 
progress  was  made  pari  passu  with  the  settlement  of 
the  country.  Early  in  the  secretaryship  of  Mann,  Ohio 
established  a  state  superintendency  and  an  advanced 
set  of  school  laws,  and  Michigan  and  other  states  made 
ample  provision  for  their  systems  of  common  schools. 
A  regular  organization  of  the  state  schools,  with  a 
central  authority  of  some  sort,  rapidly  followed  every- 


career  as  an  educator,  and  greatly  supplemented  Mann’s  work.  He 
served  as  Secretary  of  the  Board  of  School  Commissioners  in  Connec¬ 
ticut  (1838-1842),  as  School  Commissioner  of  Rhode  Island  (1843- 
1849),  and  Superintendent  of  Schools  for  Connecticut  (1850-1854). 
Later  (1867-1870)  he  became  the  first  United  States  Commissioner  of 
Education.  He  expended  a  fortune  in  getting  out  the  volumes  of  his 
monumental  American  Journal  of  Education  (1855-1872),  which  has  been 
the  greatest  mine  of  information  in  existence  upon  educational  history, 
theory,  and  practice.  Owing  to  the  overshadowing  importance  attached 
to  the  great  educational  fight  made  by  Mann,  whose  service  for  the  com¬ 
mon  schools  was,  after  all,  comparatively  brief,  Henry  Barnard  has  re¬ 
ceived  altogether  too  little  recognition. 


272  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


where,  and  has  continued  as  new  states  have  come  into 
existence. 

Thus  by  the  force  of  example  the  influence  of  Horace 
Mann  has  been  felt  in  all  parts  of  this  country.  More¬ 
over,  the  personality  of  Mann  and  the  improvements 
resulting  from  his  work  were  recognized  even  in  several 
states  of  Europe.  Many  articles  and  books  upon  this 
great  educational  statesman  have  been  published  by 
English,  French,  and  Italian  educators.  His  services 
have  produced  an  effect  both  fundamental  and  wide¬ 
spread.  They  have  proved  a  stimulus  to  foreign  lands, 
and  upon  the  United  States  they  have  made  a  lasting 
impression. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING1 
I.  Sources 

*Mann,  H.  Annual  Reports  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Massachusetts 
Board  of  Education  (1838-1849),  Common  School  Journal ,  and 
Lectures  on  Education. 

Mann,  Mary.  Lectures  and  Annual  Reports  on  Education  of 
Horace  Mann  (Vol.  II  of  Atkinson’s  Life  and  Works  of  Horace 
Mann). 

II.  Authorities 

Atkinson,  W.  P.  Life  and  Works  of  Horace  Mann.  Five  volumes. 
Barnard,  H.  American  Journal  of  Education.  Vol.  V,  pp.  611- 
645- 

1  A  more  complete  bibliography  by  B.  Pickman  Mann  can  be  found  in 
the  Report  of  the  United  States  Commissioner  of  Education,  1895-1896, 
Vol.  I,  pp.  897-927. 


MANN  AND  THE  EDUCATIONAL  REVIVAL  273 


Bowen,  F.  Mr.  Mann  and  the  Teachers  of  the  Boston  Schools 
( North  American  Review,  Vol.  LX,  pp.  224-246). 

Combe,  G.  Education  in  America:  State  of  Massachusetts  (Edin¬ 
burgh  Review,  Vol.  LXXIII,  pp.  486-502). 

^Harris,  W.  T.  Horace  Mann  (Educational  Review,  Vol.  XII, 
pp.  105-119). 

*Hinsdale,  B.  A.  Horace  Mann  and  the  Common  School  Revival 
in  the  United  States. 

Hubbell,  G.  A.  Horace  Mann;  Educator,  Patriot,  and  Reformer. 

Kasson,  F.  H.  Horace  Mann  (Education,  Vol.  XII,  pp.  36-43). 

Lang,  O.  H.  Horace  Mann,  his  Life  and  Work. 

Mann,  Mary.  Life  of  Horace  Mann. 

Martin,  G.  H.  Horace  Mann  and  the  Revival  of  Education  in 
Massachusetts  (Educational  Review,  Vol.  V,  pp.  434-450). 

Martin,  G.  H.  The  Evolution  of  the  Massachusetts  Public  School 
System.  Lect.  IV. 

*Mayo,  A.  D.  Horace  Mann  and  the  Great  Revival  of  the  American 
Common  School,  1830-1850  (Report  of  the  United  States  Com - 
missioner  of  Education,  1896-1897,  Vol.  I,  pp.  715-767). 

*Parker,  F.  W.  Horace  Mann  (Educational  Review,  Vol.  XII, 
pp.  65-74). 

*Winship,  A.  E.  Horace  Mann  the  Educator . 


T 


CHAPTER  XIV 


The  natural 
sciences  were 
greatly  de¬ 
veloped  in 
education 
during  the 
latter  half  of 
the  nine¬ 
teenth  cen¬ 
tury,  and 
the  changed 
attitude 
was  crystal¬ 
lized  by 
Herbert 
Spencer. 


Spencer  was 
reared  amid 
intellectual 


HERBERT  SPENCER  AND  THE  RELATIVE  VALUE 

OF  STUDIES 

The  latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  witnessed  a 
great  development  in  the  natural  sciences  and  in  the  part 
they  should  play  in  the  curricula  of  various  educational 
institutions.  At  the  beginning  of  this  period,  Greek  and 
Latin  had  everywhere  an  almost  unbroken  monopoly 
in  secondary  and  higher  education,  and  stubbornly  re¬ 
sisted  the  admission  of  any  training  in  science;  while, 
by  the  close  of  the  century,  not  only  was  the  power  of  the 
classical  fetish  greatly  diminished,  but  a  constant  struggle 
and  a  complete  revision  of  methods  to  maintain  these 
subjects  at  all  had  become  necessary.  This  general 
change  of  attitude  grew  largely  out  of  the  material 
development  of  the  times,  the  increasing  popularity  of 
evolutionary  doctrine,  and  the  work  of  the  educational 
reformers  that  had  preceded.  But  while  it  was  in  the 
spirit  of  the  times,  it  was  first  crystallized  and  defended 
by  the  English  philosopher,  Spencer. 

Spencer’s  Education  and  Other  Writings 

Herbert  Spencer  (1820-1903)  was  the  descendant  of 

educators,  and  during  all  his  youth  was  surrounded  by 

274 


SPENCER  AND  RELATIVE  VALUE  OF  STUDIES  275 


intellectual  and  literary  traditions.  He  never  went  to 
the  university,  possibly  on  account  of  the  poor  health 
from  which  he  suffered  all  his  life,  but  he  engaged  in  a 
wide  range  of  miscellaneous  studies  at  home.  He  began 
early  to  read  on  natural  science  and  mathematics,  per¬ 
form  experiments  and  make  inventions,  and  show  remark¬ 
able  ability  in  working  out  original  problems.  In  his 
young  manhood  he  wrote  on  economic  and  social  sub¬ 
jects  with  great  force  and  clearness.  By  the  time  he  was 
thirty  he  had  produced  his  Social  Statics ,  in  which  he 
treats  the  evolution  of  society  through  natural  laws,  and 
during  the  next  quarter  of  a  century  he  devoted  himself 
to  a  systematic  development  of  his  ideas.  He  elaborated 
and  applied  the  laws  of  evolution  to  important  questions 
in  biology,  psychology,  ethics,  politics,  and  sociology, 
and  issued  a  monumental  series  of  works.  During  his 
thirties  he  also  worked  out  his  ideas  on  education  with 
much  enthusiasm.  His  treatises  were  originally  con¬ 
tributions  to  magazines,  but  in  i860  they  were  collected 
and  published  in  book  form  as  Education ,  Intellectual , 
Moral ,  and  Physical. 


traditions, 
and  early 
showed  an 
interest  in 
science. 


At  forty  he 
published 
his  treatise 
on  Educa¬ 
tion. 


“What  Knowledge  Is  of  the  Most  Worth?” 

Spencer  did  not  read  widely  upon  educational  subjects, 
and  his  conceptions  are  largely  his  own,  but  in  his  Edu¬ 
cation  he  has  apparently  been  affected  by  the  atmosphere 
of  the  times,  and  has  combined  with  his  principles  some 


27 6  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


The  first 
essay  in  this 
book  is  of 
most  im¬ 
portance. 


Here  he  ar¬ 
gues  that  to 
decide  What 
Knowledge  Is 
of  Most 
Worth, 

‘  preparation 
for  complete 
living’  must 
be  taken  as  a 
standard. 


He  then 
classifies  the 
leading 
activities  in 
life, 


of  the  ideas  previously  expressed  by  Rousseau,  Pestalozzi, 
and  Herbart.  Of  the  four  essays  in  the  book,  the  first 
has  been  by  far  the  most  influential,  and  called  forth  the 
greatest  amount  of  comment.  This  part  of  the  work, 
which  seeks  to  investigate  What  Knowledge  Is  of  Most 
Worth ,  raises  the  whole  question  of  the  purpose  of  educa¬ 
tion,  and  is  completely  subversive  of  the  old  classical 
traditions.  Spencer’s  argument  runs  as  follows  : 1  — 

“In  order  of  time  decoration  precedes  dress.  And  in  our 
universities  and  schools  at  the  present  moment  the  like  antithesis 
holds.  As  the  Orinoco  Indian  puts  on  his  paint  before  leaving 
his  hut,  not  with  a  view  to  any  direct  benefit,  but  because  he 
would  be  ashamed  to  be  seen  without  it;  so  a  boy’s  drilling  in 
Latin  and  Greek  is  insisted  on,  not  because  of  their  intrinsic 
value,  but  that  he  may  not  be  disgraced  by  being  found  ignorant 
of  them.  The  comparative  worths  of  different  kinds  of  knowl¬ 
edge  have  been  as  yet  scarcely  even  discussed  —  much  less  dis¬ 
cussed  in  a  methodic  way  with  definite  results.  Before  there 
can  be  a  rational  curriculum,  we  must  decide  which  things  it 
most  concerns  us  to  know.  To  this  end,  a  measure  of  value  is 
the  first  requisite.  How  to  live  ?  —  that  is  the  essential  question  for 
us.  Not  how  to  live  in  the  mere  material  sense  only,  but  in  the 
widest  sense.  To  prepare  us  for  complete  living  is  the  function 
which  education  has  to  discharge ;  and  the  only  rational  mode  of 
judging  of  any  educational  course  is,  to  judge  in  what  degree  it 
discharges  such  function.  Our  first  step  must  obviously  be  to 
classify,  in  the  order  of  their  importance,  the  leading  kinds  of 
activity  which  constitute  human  life.  They  may  be  arranged 
into :  i .  Those  activities  which  directly  minister  to  self-preserva- 


1  In  the  quotation  everything  not  essential  to  the  argument  is  omitted. 


SPENCER  AND  RELATIVE  VALUE  OF  STUDIES  277 


tion;  2.  Those  activities  which,  by  securing  the  necessaries  of 
life,  indirectly  minister  to  self-preservation;  3.  Those  activities 
which  have  for  their  end  the  rearing  and  discipline  of  offspring; 
4.  Those  activities  which  are  involved  in  the  maintenance  of 
proper  social  and  political  relations ;  5.  Those  miscellaneous 

activities  which  make  up  the  leisure  part  of  life,  devoted  to  the 
gratification  of  the  tastes  and  feelings.  We  do  not  mean  that 
these  divisions  are  definitely  separable.  We  do  not  deny  that 
they  are  intrinsically  entangled  with  each  other  in  such  way 
that  there  can  be  no  training  for  any  that  is  not  in  some  measure 
a  training  for  all.  Nor  do  we  question  that  of  each  division 
there  are  portions  more  important  than  certain  portions  of  the 
preceding  divisions.  But  after  making  all  qualifications,  there 
still  remain  these  broadly  marked  divisions;  and  these  divisions 
subordinate  one  another  in  the  foregoing  order.  The  ideal  of 
education  is  complete  preparation  in  all  these  divisions.  But 
failing  this  ideal,  as  in  our  phase  of  civilization  every  one  must 
do  more  or  less,  the  aim  should  be  to  maintain  a  due  proportion 
between  the  degrees  of  preparation  in  each,  greatest  where  the 
value  is  greatest,  less  where  the  value  is  less,  least  where  the  value 
is  least.” 


The  ‘Sciences’  Most  Useful  in  All  Life  Activities 


Applying  this  test,  Spencer  finds  that  a  knowledge  of 
the  sciences  is  always  most  useful  in  life,  and  therefore  of 
most  worth.  He  considers  each  one  of  the  five  groups 
of  activities  and  demonstrates  the  need  of  the  knowledge 
of  some  science  or  sciences  to  guide  it  rightly.  An  ac¬ 
quaintance  with  physiology  is  necessary  to  the  mainte¬ 
nance  of  health,  and  so  for  self-preservation;  any  form 


and  holds 
that  a  knowl¬ 
edge  of  the 
sciences  is  a 
most  valu¬ 
able  prepa¬ 
ration  for 
each. 


of  industry  or  other  means  of  indirect  self-preservation 


278  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


will  require  some  understanding  of  mathematics,  physics, 
chemistry,  biology,  and  sociology ;  to  care  for  the  physi¬ 
cal,  intellectual,  and  moral  training  of  their  children, 
parents  should  know  the  general  principles  of  physiology, 
psychology,  and  ethics ;  a  man  is  best  fitted  for  citizen¬ 
ship  through  a  knowledge  of  the  science  of  history  in  its 
political,  economic,  and  social  aspects;  and  even  the 
aesthetic  or  leisure  side  of  life  depends  upon  physiology, 
mechanics,  and  psychology  as  a  basis  for  art,  music,  and 
poetry,  and  “science  opens  up  realms  of  poetry  where  to 
the  unscientific  all  is  a  blank.”  1 


Besides  the 
‘ content  ’ 
value,  he  also 
maintains  < 
that,  on  the 
side  of  ‘  dis¬ 
cipline,  ’  sci¬ 
ence  trains 
the  memory, 
judgment, 
and  morals. 


This  argument  for  the  sciences  on  the  ground  that  their 
Content’  is  so  much  superior  for  the  activities  of  life 
would  seem  to  be  sufficient.  But  Spencer  now  shifts  his 
whole  point  of  view,  and  attempts  to  anticipate  the  de¬ 
fense  of  the  classics  on  the  score  of  ‘formal  discipline ’ 
by  meeting  them  on  their  own  ground.  He  admits  that 
“besides  its  use  for  guidance  in  conduct,  the  acquisition 
of  each  order  of  facts  has  also  its  use  as  mental  exercise, 


and  its  effects  as  a  preparative  for  complete  living  have 
to  be  considered  under  both  these  heads.”  But  he  holds 


that  by  “the  beautiful  economy  of  Nature  those  classes 
of  facts  which  are  most  useful  for  regulating  conduct  are 
best  for  strengthening  the  mental  faculties,  and  the  edu- 


1  Spencer  even  undertakes  to  show  that  a  systematic  knowledge  of 
facts  and  the  laws  of  science  in  the  physical  and  psychological  worlds  is 
essential  to  the  best  aesthetic  production  and  enjoyment. 


SPENCER  AND  RELATIVE  VALUE  OF  STUDIES  279 


cation  of  most  value  for  guidance  must  at  the  same  time 
be  the  education  of  most  value  for  discipline.”  As  evi¬ 
dence  of  this,  he  undertakes  to  show  that  science,  like 
language,  trains  the  memory,  and  in  addition  exercises 
the  understanding;  that  it  is  superior  to  language  in 
cultivating  judgment;  that,  by  fostering  independence, 
perseverance,  and  sincerity,  it  furnishes  a  moral  disci¬ 
pline;  and  even  that  science,  “inasmuch  as  it  generates  a 
profound  respect  for,  and  an  implicit  faith  in,  those  uni¬ 
form  laws  which  underlie  all  things,”  is  the  best  disci¬ 
pline  for  religious  culture.  Hence,  from  the  point  of 
view  of  formal  discipline  and  mental  gymnastics,  as  well 
as  of  content  and  guidance,  Spencer  declares  science, 
rather  than  language  and  literature,  to  be  of  most  worth 
in  education. 

These  educational  conclusions  of  Spencer  seem  to  in¬ 
volve  a  complete  reversal  of  the  Renaissance,  and  they 
certainly  called  for  a  loosening  of  the  traditional  hold  of 
the  classics  upon  England.  Instead  of  Greek  and  Latin 
for  ‘ culture’  and  ‘discipline/  and  an  order  of  society 
where  the  few  were  educated  for  a  life  of  elegant  leisure, 
this  English  philosopher  advocated  the  ‘sciences’  and  a 
new  scheme  of  life  where  every  one  should  enjoy  all 
advantages  in  the  order  of  their  relative  value.  We 
should,  however,  note  the  fallacy  in  his  use  of  the  word 
‘science.’  With  Spencer  this  term  denotes  the  social, 
political,  and  moral  sciences,  as  well  as  the  physical  and 


Spencer  is 
thus  opposed 
to  the  classi¬ 
cal  traditions 
of  the  Renais¬ 
sance,  but 
does  not,  like 
Rousseau, 
deny  the 
value  of  all 
knowledge 
that  comes 
down  from 
the  past. 


280  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


His  *  utilita¬ 
rianism’  in¬ 
cludes  moral 
as  well  as 
material, 
values. 


biological,  and  he  really  includes  much  that  would 
properly  come  under  the  head  of  ‘  humanities’  rather 
than  Science.’  He  is,  however,  fairly  consistent  in 
desiring  material  in  the  curriculum  that  will  be  of  more 
service  than  the  classics.  While  such  a  complete  de¬ 
struction  of  educational  traditions  strongly  suggests 
Rousseau,  Spencer’s  Education  at  least  brought  Rous¬ 
seau’s  doctrine  down  to  earth.  It  seems  more  like  a 
reversion  to  Bacon  and  Locke,  from  whom  the  Swiss- 
French  reformer  probably  got  his  start,  and  a  return  to 
England  by  way  of  the  continent  of  the  old  revolu¬ 
tionary  doctrines.  It  clearly  cannot  be  considered 
Rousselian  to  the  extent  of  denying  the  value  of  all 
knowledge  that  comes  down  from  the  past.  His  com¬ 
plaint  lies  rather  against  the  monopoly  of  the  tradi¬ 
tional  subjects  and  methods.  “The  attitude  of  the  uni¬ 
versities  toward  natural  science,”  he  protests  elsewhere,1 
“has  been  that  of  contemptuous  non- recognition.  Col¬ 
legiate  authorities  have  long  resisted,  either  actively  or 
passively,  the  making  of  physiology,  chemistry,  geology, 
etc.,  subjects  of  examination.” 

Hence,  Spencer  cannot  with  propriety  be  stigmatized 
for  his  ‘utilitarianism,’  as  has  so  frequently  been  done. 
His  ‘  preparation  for  complete  living  ’  includes  more  than 
merely  making  a  living  and  the  material  side  of  life,  and 
the  ‘utilitarianism’  with  which  he  is 'Charged  contains 


1  Social  Statics ,  p.  375. 


SPENCER  AND  RELATIVE  VALUE  OF  STUDIES  281 


the  same  underlying  principle  and  may  be  equated  with 
the  ‘practical’  of  Kant  or  the  ‘aesthetic’  of  Herbart. 
The  ‘science’  with  which  he  would  replace  the  tradi¬ 
tional  humanistic  studies  contributes  to  moral  values. 
It  should  elevate  conduct,  and  make  life  pleasanter, 
nobler,  and  more  effective. 

His  argument  for  the  superiority  of  the  sciences  in 
disciplinary  value,  however,  is  unfortunate.  There  was 
no  need  of  his  accepting  that  point  of  view  at  all ;  and,  in 
doing  so,  he  shows  that  he  is  not  altogether  emancipated 
from  tradition,  and  that  he  has  not  fully  grasped  the  dis¬ 
ciplinary  claims  of  language,  which  he  bases  entirely  upon 
memory  training.  He  likewise  begs  the  question  in 
stating  that  nature  is  bound,  as  a  matter  of  economy,  to 
make  the  training  that  is  best  for  guidance  also  the  best 
for  discipline.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  nothing  is  more  un¬ 
economical  than  nature,  which  always  produces  a  super¬ 
abundance,  on  the  principle  that  much  will  necessarily 
be  wasted. 

Essays  upon  ‘Intellectual,’  ‘Moral,’  and  ‘Physical 

Education  ’ 

The  second  essay  in  Spencer’s  work  is  entitled  Intel¬ 
lectual  Education ,  and  deals  largely  with  his  ideas  on 
method.  In  the  first  place,  he  insists,  with  Pestalozzi, 
“that  education  must  conform  to  the  natural  process  of 
evolution.”  He  criticizes  the  methods  of  the  time,  and 


His  argu¬ 
ment  for  the 
‘  disciplinary  ’ 
value  of  the 
sciences  is, 
however, 
traditional, 
and 

his  ‘economy 
of  nature’ 
begs  the 
question. 


In  his  Intel¬ 
lectual  Edu¬ 
cation 
Spencer 
largely  fol¬ 
lows  Pesta- 
lozzi’s  prin¬ 
ciples  ; 


282  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


in  his  Moral 
Education  he 
holds  to 
Rousseau’s 
punishment 
by  ‘natural 
conse¬ 
quences’; 
and  in  his 
Physical 
Education  he 
gives  prac¬ 
tical  advice. 


undertakes  to  state  his  guiding  principles  in  logical  order 
as  follows  :  “  i.  In  education  we  should  proceed  from  the 
simple  to  the  complex.  2.  Our  lessons  ought  to  start 
from  the  concrete  and  end  in  the  abstract.  3.  The  edu¬ 
cation  of  the  child  must  accord  both  in  mode  and 
arrangement  with  the  education  of  man  considered  his¬ 
torically.  4.  In  each  branch  of  instruction  we  should 
proceed  from  the  empirical  to  the  rational.  5.  The 
process  of  self-development  should  be  encouraged  to  the 
fullest  extent.  6.  There  is  always  a  method  productive 
of  interest,  and  this  is  the  method  proved  by  all  other 
tests  to  be  the  right  one.”  These  principles,  which  he 
exemplifies  by  applying  them  to  various  studies,  are 
strikingly  similar  to  some  already  formulated  by  Pesta- 
lozzi,  Herbart,  and  Froebel. 

No  greater  originality  is  displayed  in  his  essays  upon 
Moral  Education  and  Physical  Education.  In  moral 
training,  he  criticizes  the  existing  control  by  impulse, 
tradition,  and  harshness,  and  insists  upon  inhibition, 
repression,  and  elimination  of  the  natural  ‘  evil  impulses  ’ 1 
as  the  ‘ guiding  principle  of  moral  education.’  But 
while  he  does  not  agree  with  Rousseau  that  the  child  is 
by  nature  good,1  he  does  indorse  that  writer’s  principle 
of  punishing  through  ‘natural  consequences.’ 2  In  the 


1  In  fact,  despite  his  rejection  of  the  old  ‘natural  depravity’  theory  of 
the  theologians,  he  holds,  like  Locke,  a  most  unfavorable  view  of  child- 
nature,  and  declares  that  “as  the  child’s  features  resemble  those  of  the 
savage,  so,  too,  do  his  instincts.”  2  See  p.  89. 


SPENCER  AND  RELATIVE  VALUE  OF  STUDIES  ,283 


matter  of  physical  training,  he  holds  that  the  first  req¬ 
uisite  to  success  in  life  is  to  be  a  good  animal.  He  insists 
upon  the  preservation  of  health  as  a  duty,  and  discusses 
most  sensibly  the  proper  food,  clothing,  exercise,  and  play 
for  the  boy  and  girl.  Excessive  study,  he  declares,  should 
be  avoided  as  fatal  to  happiness,  and  he  would  make  but 
little  use  of  set  exercise,  on  the  ground  that  it  is  artificial. 


Influence  of  Spencer 

Obviously,  except  for  his  definition  of  the  aim  of  edu¬ 
cation  and  his  test  of  the  relative  value  of  studies,  there  is 
little  that  is  really  original  in  Spencer.  Yet  his  way  of 
combining  Rousseau,  Pestalozzi,  and  other  reformers 
was  new,  and  gave  a  basis  of  solidity,  practicality,  and 
common  sense  to  these  educators.  Herbert  Spencer  was 
probably  one  of  the  greatest  minds  the  world  has  ever 
known.  He  was  without  question  the  one  great  English 
philosopher  of  the  nineteenth  century  and  the  only  educa¬ 
tional  writer  of  that  country  to  make  much  impression 
upon  the  times.  His  treatise  has  been  translated  into 
thirteen  languages  and  has  influenced  all  parts  of  the 
civilized  world.  It  has  ever  since  given  the  sciences  a 
standing  that  has  assured  them  of  complete  recognition 
in  the  curriculum,  and  it  is  one  of  the  most  important 
works  ever  written  in  English. 


Spencer  thus 
worked  out 
the  relative 
value  of 
studies  and 
made  a  sen¬ 
sible  combi¬ 
nation  of  the 
theoretical 
reformers. 

He  was  the 
only  English 
educational¬ 
ist  to  make 
much  im¬ 
pression  on 
the  nine¬ 
teenth  cen¬ 
tury. 


284  GREAT  EDUCATORS  OF  THREE  CENTURIES 


SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  Source 

*Spencer,  H.  Education;  Intellectual,  Moral,  and  Physical. 

II.  Authorities 

*Compayre,  G.  History  of  Pedagogy.  Pp.  538-556. 

Compayre,  G.  Herbert  Spencer  and  Scientific  Education. 
Duncan,  D.  Life  and  Letters  of  Herbert  Spencer. 

Gaupp,  O.  Herbert  Spencer. 

^Harris,  W.  T.  Herbert  Spencer  and  What  to  Study  (Educational 
Review,  Vol.  XXIV,  pp.  135-149). 

Laurie,  S.  S.  Herbert  Spencer’s  Chapter  on  Moral  Education 
(. Educational  Review,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  485-491). 

*Laurie,  S.  S.  Educational  Opinion  from  the  Renaissance.  Chap. 
XVI. 

Leitch,  J.  Practical  Educationalists  and  their  Systems. 

*Quick,  R.  H.  Essays  on  Educational  Reformers.  Chap.  XIX. 
Royce,  J.  Herbert  Spencer ;  an  Estimate  and  a  Review. 


INDEX 


A  B  C  of  Observation,  129  (footnote), 
133,  135,  155- 

‘Absorption/  182  f. 

Academy,  of  Milton,  6;  in  England, 
6;  in  United  States,  7;  of  Come- 
nius,  38,  43. 

Adamson,  quoted,  73. 

Agricultural  Institute,  138. 

Aim  of  education,  of  Milton,  5;  of 
Comenius,  36 ;  of  Locke,  53,  59 ;  of 
Francke,  71 ;  of  Rousseau,  in  Emile’s 
infancy,  88 ;  childhood,  89 ;  boy¬ 
hood,  91 ;  youth,  93 ;  for  women, 
96;  in  Basedow,  117;  in  Pestalozzi, 
144  ff. ;  in  Herbart,  170,  175  ff. ;  in 
Froebel,  200,  208  f.,  226;  in  Lan¬ 
caster,  237;  in  Mann,  264;  in  Spen¬ 
cer,  276  ff. 

Alcott,  Bronson,  162. 

Alsted,  Johann  Heinrich,  33. 

Andreae,  33. 

Anhalt-Kothen,  21. 

Annual  Reports,  of  Mann,  255  f. 

Antioch  College,  262. 

‘Apperception/  174,  183. 

Apperception,  of  Lange,  189. 

Aristotle,  12,  13,  18. 

Armenschule,  6g. 

Association  for  the  Scientific  Study  of 
Education,  188. 

Atrium ,  30. 

Auctarium,  31  (footnote). 

Augsburg,  21. 

Bacon,  Francis,  11  ff. ;  compared  to 
Ratich,  24;  influence  on  Comenius, 
33,  48;  on  Spencer,  280. 

Barnard,  Henry,  261  (footnote);  270 
(footnote). 

Barop,  202  (footnote). 


Barraud,  159. 

Basedow,  50,  100,  109,  112. 

Basis  of  the  Doctrine  of  Educative  In¬ 
struction,  188. 

Bateus,  29,  32. 

Behrisch,  115. 

Bell,  Andrew,  239  ff. 

Biber,  160. 

Bible,  262. 

Blankenburg,  204,  205,  216. 

Blochmann,  157. 

Blow,  Susan,  231,  232. 

Bodinus,  33. 

Bolte,  231. 

Bonnal,  126. 

Book  for  Mothers,  132  (footnote),  135. 
Boston  schoolmasters,  163,  260  f. 
Brief  and  Simple  Treatise  on  Christian 
Education,  71. 

British  and  Foreign  Society,  239. 
Brooks,  Rev.  Charles,  162. 
Burgerschule,  69. 

Burgdorf,  13 1,  203. 

Buss,  134,  140. 

Campe,  93,  1x5,  116,  120. 

Carpenter,  Mary,  164. 

Carter,  James  G.,  253,  257  (footnote), 
261  (footnote). 

Chavannes,  159,  162. 

‘  Ciceronianism/  2. 

Clinton,  De  Witt,  quoted,  246. 
Colburn,  Warren,  162. 

College  of  Pansophy,  35. 

‘Collegia  pietatis/  67. 

Combe,  252. 

Comenius,  16,  25,  27  ff.,  118. 

Common  School  Journal,  255. 
‘Concentration/  180,  192. 

Conduct  of  the  Understanding,  52. 


285 


286 


INDEX 


Confessions,  of  Rousseau,  77  (footnote). 

Congress  of  Philosophers,  228. 

‘Connection  of  contrasts,’  223. 

Constitution  of  Man,  252. 

Copernicus,  11. 

‘Correlation,’  180,  191. 

Cousin,  Victor,  159,  162. 

‘Creativeness,’  215,  2x6,  226. 

‘Culture  epoch’  theory,  210. 

Curriculum,  of  Milton,  4,  5  ;  of  Bacon, 
16;  of  Ratich,  22;  of  Comenius,  40 
ff. ;  of  Locke,  54  ff. ;  of  Francke,  72  ; 
of  Rousseau,  91,  96;  of  Basedow, 
1 17;  of  Pestalozzi,  124  ff.,  128  f., 
148;  of  Herbart,  180  f. ;  of  Froebel, 
216,  221;  of  Lancaster  and  Bell, 
240  f. ;  of  Mann,  266;  of  Spencer, 
277  ff. 

‘Dancing  master  education,’  85,  113 
(footnote) . 

De  Garmo,  Charles,  190. 

Denzel,  157. 

Descartes,  11,  65. 

Dessau,  115. 

Didaclica  Magna,  32  ff. 

Discipline,  of  Ratich,  24 ;  of  Comenius, 
47 ;  of  Locke,  57 ;  of  Francke,  73 ; 
of  Rousseau,  89,  94;  of  Basedow, 
116;  of  Pestalozzi,  149;  of  Herbart, 
184;  of  Froebel,  221;  of  Lancaster 
and  Bell,  241 ;  of  Mann,  265 ;  of 
Spencer,  282. 

Discipline,  ‘formal,’  58  ff.,  278  f. 

Dorothea,  Duchess  of  Weimar,  21. 

Dress  of  children,  in  time  of  Rousseau, 
8;  of  Basedow,  113;  in  Philanthro- 
pinum,  1 1 7. 

Dwight,  Edmund,  257  (footnote). 

Education,  defined  by  Milton,  5. 

Education,  Spencer’s,  275. 

Elbing,  30. 

Elementarwerk,  114,  117. 

Elementary,  or  ‘vernacular’  school,  38. 

Emile,  84  ff.,  123,  124. 

Encyclopcedia  of  Pedagogics,  187. 

Essay  concerning  the  Human  Understand¬ 
ing,  52,  58. 


Evening  Hour  of  a  Hermit,  125, 144. 
Experiment  in  Education,  239. 

Father's  Journal,  124. 

Fellenberg,  136  ff. 

Fichte,  156,  168,  196,  207. 

Foreign  travel,  in  Milton,  2,  5 ;  in  Co¬ 
menius,  38 ;  in  Locke,  54. 

‘Formal  discipline,’  58  ff.,  278  ff. 
‘Formal  steps  of  instruction,’  183,  189. 
Fortbildungsschulen,  158. 

Francke,  49,  68. 

Franckesche  Stiftungen,  73,  189. 
Frankland,  Richard,  7. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  8,  250. 

Freitisch,  70. 

Frey,  33. 

Frick,  Otto,  189. 

Friedrich  Franz,  Prince,  115. 

Friedrich  Wilhelm  III,  157. 

Froebel,  25,  50,  120;  compared  to  Her¬ 
bart,  167,  194  ff. ;  compared  to  Pes¬ 
talozzi,  225. 

Froebel  Union,  229,  232. 

Galileo,  11. 

General  Pedagogy,  170. 

Gessner,  135. 

‘Gifts,’  204,  218,  219,  220. 

Goethe,  196. 

Gould,  Judge,  250  (footnote). 
‘Grammar’  schools,  in  England,  7; 

in  United  States,  8. 

Grammaticce  Facilioris  Prcecepta,  28. 
Greaves,  160. 

Griscom,  John,  162. 

Griiner,  156,  197. 

Guericke,  11. 

Guizot,  159. 

Guyot,  162. 

Hall,  Samuel  R.,  257. 

‘Hardening  process,’  62. 
‘Harmonization  of  opposites,’  223. 
Harris,  W.  T.,  232. 

Herbart,  25,  50,  120,  167  ff.;  compared 
to  Froebel,  167,  186,  194;  compared 
to  Pestalozzi,  185. 

Hill,  S.  H.,  231. 


INDEX 


287 


Hohere  Tochterschule,  70. 

Hofwyl,  137. 

Home  and  Colonial  Society,  160,  163. 
How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children,  135, 
147. 

‘Humanistic  realism,’  2,  10,  52. 

Idealism,  German,  206. 

‘Ideas,’  of  Herbart,  173  f. 

‘Idols,’  of  Bacon,  13. 

Improvements  in  Education,  238. 
Induction,  xi,  45  f. 

Industrial  education,  107,  125,  137  f., 
152  f.,  155,  158,  160,  164  f. 
Informatorium  Skoly  Mater ske,  33. 
‘Innovators,’  2. 

Jackman,  Wilbur  S.,  191. 

Jacobins,  105. 

Janua  Linguarum,  29,  34,  49. 

Jullien,  158,  162. 

Kant,  114,  119,  171  f. 

Keilhau,  200,  221. 

Kepler,  11. 

Kindergarten,  42,  50,  203  f.,  204  (foot¬ 
note),  216  ff. ;  in  France,  228;  in 
Belgium,  228;  in  Holland,  228;  in 
England,  228;  in  Italy,  228;  in 
Germany,  229  f. ;  in  United  States, 
230  ff . 

Klepper,  Henriette,  207. 

Kohl,  Robert,  223  (footnote). 
Kraus-Bolte,  Mrs.  Maria,  231. 

Krause,  203. 

Kriisi,  132,  134,  135  (footnote),  140, 
150,  155- 

Lancaster,  237  ff. 

Lange,  Karl,  189. 

Langethal,  199,  207. 

‘Latin  school,’  38,  42  f. 

Leonard  and  Gertrude,  126. 

Leszno,  28,  35. 

Letters,  of  Rousseau,  77  (footnote). 
Letter  to  Duke  of  Meiningen,  202  (foot¬ 
note). 

Letter  to  Krause,  202  (footnote). 

Levin,  Luise,  205  (footnote). 


Locke,  11,  52  ff. ;  influenced  by  Mon¬ 
taigne,  53  f.;  by  Bacon,  55;  by 
Ratich,  55;  by  Comenius,  55  f., 
1 18;  influence  on  Spencer,  280,  282 
(footnote). 

Ludwig,  Prince,  21. 

Luise,  Queen,  157. 

McClure,  William,  161. 

McMurry,  Charles  A.,  190. 

McMurry,  Frank  M.,  190. 

Magdeburg,  21. 

Mann,  Horace,  163,  249  ff. 

‘Many-sided  interest,’  178  ff. 

Marienthal,  206. 

Marwedel,  Emma,  232. 

Mason,  Lowell,  162. 

Massachusetts  school  organization,  270. 

Matthison,  the  poet,  116. 

Mayo,  Dr.,  160,  163. 

Methodenbuch,  114. 

‘Method  of  nature,’  44  f. 

Methods,  of  Ratich,  23 ;  of  Comenius, 
46  f. ;  of  Locke,  56;  of  Francke,  73; 
of  Rousseau,  91  f. ;  of  Basedow,  116 
ff. ;  of  Pestalozzi,  127  ff.,  139  ff.,  147 
ff. ;  of  Fellenberg,  138;  of  Herbart, 
182;  of  Froebel,  200,  212,  216  ff. ; 
of  Lancaster  and  Bell,  240  ff. ;  of 
Mann,  269;  of  Spencer,  282. 

Methodus  Linguarum  Novissima,  30 
(footnote). 

Michigan  school  system,  271. 

Middendorf,  199,  207,  227. 

Milton,  1  ff. 

‘Monitorial’  system,  237  ff. ;  used  in 
Hindu  education,  239;  of  the 
Jesuits,  240,  favored  by  Comenius, 
240;  influence  in  United  States, 
243  ff. 

Monnard,  quoted,  13 1. 

Montaigne,  5,  53,  54,  118. 

Moravian  Brethren,  27. 

Morf,  135. 

Morton,  Charles,  7. 

Mother  and  Play  Songs,  204,  217,  222  f. 

‘Mother  school,’  34,  38,  41. 

Muller,  157. 

Miinchenbuchsee,  137. 


288 


INDEX 


Naef,  Conrad,  130. 

Nageli,  142,  162. 

National  Education  Association,  191. 
National  Society  for  Promoting  the 
Education  of  the  Poor,  239. 

National  Society  for  the  Scientific 
Study  of  Education,  191. 

‘Natural  consequences,’  89,  282. 

Neef,  Joseph,  161. 

Neuhof,  124,  144. 

New  Atlantis,  15. 

New  Heloise,  84. 

Nicolovius,  156. 

Niederer,  134,  143,  150. 

Normal  school,  164,  257  f. 

Novalis,  196. 

Novum  Organum,  12  fi. 

‘Occupations,’  204,  218  2. 

Odyssey,  181. 

Ohio  school  system,  271. 

On  Pestalozzi’s  Latest  Writing,  *How 
Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children ,’  169. 
On  the  Moral  Revelation  of  the  World, 
170. 

On  the  Point  of  View  in  Judging  the 
Pestalozzian  Method  of  Instruction, 
170. 

Orbis  Sensualium  P ictus,  31,  34,  49,  114. 
‘Oswego  methods,’  163. 

Outlines  of  General  Pedagogy,  172. 
Outlines  of  Pedagogical  Lectures,  it  2. 
Outlines  of  Pedagogy,  189. 

Padagogium,  70,  72,  75. 

Page,  David  P.,  162. 

Pansophia,  16,  34,  40  2. 

Pansophicce  Scholce  Delineatio,  35. 
Parker,  Francis  W.,  191. 

Patak,  30  f.,  35. 

Pauline,  Princess,  157. 

Payne,  Joseph,  230  (footnote). 
Peabody,  Elizabeth  P.,  230  f. 
Pestalozzi,  50,  120,  122  2.,  169,  265, 
276,  281,  283;  compared  to  Herbart, 
185. 

Pestalozzi' s  Idea  of  an  A  B  C  of  Obser¬ 
vation,  169. 

Philanthropinum,  109,  115  f.,  120. 


Pierce,  Cyrus,  258  (footnote). 

Pietism,  68,  75. 

Pietists,  68. 

Plamann,  156,  199, 

‘Play  songs,’  204. 

Prerau,  28. 

Prussian  system  of  education,  155, 163, 
260. 

Ratich,  16,  20  2. ;  influence  on  Come- 
nius,  29,  32,  48;  on  Francke,  68, 
118. 

Rawley,  Dr.,  12. 

Realgymnasium,  74. 

Realism,  ‘humanistic,’  2;  ‘social,’  3; 

‘sense,’  3,  10,  52,  55. 

Realschule,  70,  72,  75. 

Reflection,  182  f. 

Rein,  Wilhelm,  189. 

Reveries,  Rousseau’s,  77  (footnote). 
Ritter,  142. 

Robinson  Crusoe,  93. 

Rousseau,  77  2.,  276,  280,  282,  283; 
influence  on  Basedow,  112,  113;  on 
Pestalozzi,  146,  149. 

Royal  Lancasterian  Institution,  238. 

‘Salomon’s  House,’  15. 

Salzmann,  115  f.,  120. 

Sapientice  Palatium,  31. 

Saros-Patak,  31. 

Savoyard  Vicar,  95  (footnote). 
Schelling,  168,  196, 

Schiller,  196. 

Schlegel,  196. 

Schmid,  Joseph,  132  (footnote),  140, 
143,  150- 

Schnyder,  of  Frankfurt,  202  (footnote). 
Schola  Latina,  70,  72,  75. 

Schola  Ludus,  31. 

School  libraries,  237. 

School  of  Infancy,  34  (footnote),  203. 
Schools  of  the  eighteenth  century,  151. 
Secondary,  or  ‘Latin’  school,  38,  42  f. 
‘  Self-activity,’  212  2.,  226. 

Seminarium  Praeceptorum,  70,  75. 
Seminary,  Herbart’s,  171. 

Shaw,  Mrs.  Quincy,  231. 

Sheldon,  Edward  A.,  163. 


INDEX 


289 


Social  Contract,  84  f.,  103,  123. 

Sophie,  96. 

Spencer,  274  ff. ;  influenced  by  Rous¬ 
seau,  276,  280. 

Spener,  67. 

Stages  of  education,  in  Rousseau,  102  ; 

in  Froebel,  210. 

Stanz,  128  ff. 

Stoy,  Karl  Volkmar,  187. 

Siivern,  156. 

Swiss  Family  Robinson,  93,  115. 
‘Syllabaries,’  129,  131. 

Symbolism,  of  Froebel,  224. 

‘Table  of  fractions,’  139. 

‘Table  of  units,’  132.  ., 

‘Tabula  rasa,’  59,  65. 

Teachers’  institutes,  254. 

Thoughts  concerning  Education,  7,  52. 
Tieck,  196. 

Tobler,  134,  142. 

Tochterschule,  70,  73. 

Tractate  of  Education,  13. 

‘Transition  classes,’  222. 

‘Universal  College,’  40. 

Universal  education,  146,  263. 


Universal  German  Institute  of  Edu¬ 
cation,  199,  201. 

University,  or  ‘academy,’  38,  43. 

‘Vernacular’  school,  38,  42. 

V estibulum,  30. 

Vives,  32. 

Von  Biilow,  Baroness,  205,  227  f., 
231. 

Von  Steiger,  168. 

Von  Tiirck,  156. 

Waisenanstalt,  69. 

Weiss,  Professor,  198  f.,  207. 

‘What  Knowledge  Is  of  Most  Worth,’ 
276. 

Willisau,  202. 

Wolke,  1 1 6,  120. 

Woodbridge,  William  C.,  164. 
Woodhouse,  John,  7. 

Year  Book,  of  the  Herbartians,  190. 
Yverdun,  138  f.,  143,  197. 

Zeh,  Dr.,  201  (footnote). 

Zeller,  of  Wiirtemberg,  154,  156. 

Ziller,  Tuiskon,  183,  187  ff. 


U 


Books  by  the  Same  Author 
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A  History  of  Education  before 
the  Middle  Ages 

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Cloth,  xix  -f-  338  pages.  $1.23  net. 

The  book  aims  to  prevent  a  waste  of  energy  on  the  part  of  the  young 
teacher  by  setting  forth  a  systematic  and  comprehensive  view  of  the  task 
that  is  to  be  accomplished  by  the  school,  with  the  working  principles  for 
the  attainment  of  the  end.  The  best  idea  for  the  author’s  plan  of  treat¬ 
ment  can  be  had  from  his  division  of  the  book.  Part  I  discusses  the 
function  of  education  and  of  the  school  in  biological  and  sociological 
terms.  Part  II  continues  the  same  topic  from  the  psychological  stand¬ 
point.  Part  III  deals  with  the  functioning  of  experience  in  its  relation  to 
the  educative  process.  Part  IV  treats  of  the  relation  of  education  to  the 
three  periods  of  child-development:  the  transitional,  the  formative,  the 
adolescent.  Part  V  considers  educational  values  and  the  necessity  of 
ideals  in  the  educative  process,  and  Part  VI  concludes  with  the  technique 
of  teaching. 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

Publishers  64-66  Fifth  Avenue  New  York 


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